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The Ancient World Edit
Yamato clan and state The Yamato court is known as the birthplace of the Japanese political state. It is a term applied to the political system of the Kofun period but also its development and refi nement in the late fi fth to seventh centuries c.e. The Yamato state unifi ed north Kyushu, Shikoku, and southern Honshu. The people were a clan-, or kinship- (uji), based society, where religion played an important part in controlling their lives, but during the Kofun period (the name given to the large key-shaped burial mounds of the time) powerful clan leaders and their families started to emerge as the stratifi cation of communities evolved within the late Yayoi culture. Small kingdoms were established, each ruled by a different clan. The rulers at this time were mainly religious fi gureheads using the people’s faith to govern them. One of the most powerful was the Yamato clan, and after continual warfare among the different kingdoms a union of states developed—the Yamato state, under the rule of the Yamato clan. In the fourth century c.e. the Yamato were situated in the rich agricultural region around the modern city of Kyoto. In the fi fth century, when the Yamato court reached its peak, there was a shift in the power base to the provinces of Kawachi and Izumi (modern Osaka). The emergence of such powerful clans is evidenced by the increased elaboration of their burial mounds in comparison with the Yayoi period. Burial sites in the Kofun period illustrated a segregating of the workers and elite of the community. The mounds took on a new shape, a “keyhole” design, were larger in size, and were surrounded by moats. By the fi fth century it was evident that the power of the Yamato clan had increased. These huge tombs represented the power of the Yamato aristocracy, holding swords, arrowheads, tools, armor, and all the signs of military might. Only religious and ceremonial items had been placed in earlier burial mounds. As Yamato had increased the contact with mainland Asia, the items in the burial tombs refl ected their power and infl uence. Besides the military items, there were such things as gilt bronze shoes and gold and silver ornaments. The Yamato clan and its strongest allies formed the aristocracy of the Yamato state, occupying the most important positions in the court. A hereditary ruler headed the Yamato court, and because intermarriage within clans produced a large family network, there were constant struggles for power. Believing that they were descendants of the sun goddess, the Yamato clan developed the notion of kingship and thus began the imperial dynasty. An emperor, based on the Chinese system, represented it. The fi rst legendary emperor of Japan was Jimmu. The emperor, the supreme religious symbol of the state, had no real political power. The power base lay with the clan leaders, headed by a prime minister– style offi cial. These offi cials had very close ties with the ruler, showing the importance that was placed on the harmony between religion and the governing of the people. There was also economic and military support from the occupational groups within the court known as be. These groups consisted of rice farmers, weavers, potters, artisans, military armorers, and specialists in Y 495 religious ceremonies. They were subordinate to the ruling families. One group of be were especially important to the ruling family as they consisted of highly skilled immigrants from mainland Asia, who specialized in iron working and raising horses. The Yamato court became the unifying force in Japan. They began to limit the power of the lesser clan leaders and started to acquire agricultural lands to be controlled by a central body. A bureaucratic ranking system was developed when the separate kingdoms were incorporated into the Yamato court, and the stronger clan leaders were given titles to refl ect their status as regional chiefs. The two titles bestowed on the chiefs were muraji and omi. The greatest of the chiefs lived at the court and as a collective ruled over the productive lands and hence the farming communities. This also gave them access to large resources of manpower to be used in such activities as burial mound building and also as conscripted troops for the military forays into the Korean Peninsula. By the fourth century the Yamato court was developed enough to send envoys to mainland Asia, sometimes military, but mostly to gain knowledge of the political and cultural aspects of the far more advanced Chinese and Korean civilizations. They also procured supplies of iron resources said to be plentiful in the south of Korea. By the end of the fourth and in the beginning of the fi fth centuries the military were involved in the expansion of Yamato power throughout the Korean peninsula. At the same time Korea was going through cultural and political changes, with warring between the three kingdoms, Koguryo (north), Paekche (east), and Silla (west). Alliances were made with the Paekche, against the Silla, with Yamato gaining some power in the region. However, in the sixth century Silla became more powerful militarily, causing Yamato to face power reversals in the region and forcing them to withdraw from the peninsula. Paekche began to exchange knowledge and resources with the Yamato; scribes, sword smiths, horsemen, and horses were introduced to the court. The Yamato court had a large number of mainland scholars brought over for their advanced knowledge and skills. The Paekche court also sent a Confucian scholar, a Buddhist scholar, Buddhist scriptures, and an image of the Buddha. These scholars dramatically altered the fast- developing Japanese culture. Scholars were sent to China to learn about their political and cultural ideals, and in the sixth or seventh century they were brought back to the Yamato court to establish a written system based on Chinese characters and the grounding for the establishment of a parliamentary system. Based on Chinese models of government, the Yamato court developed a central administrative and imperial court. The sixth century saw the Soga clan’s rise to power. The Soga clan, which did not claim to be descended from the gods, had entrenched themselves in the Yamato court by establishing marital connections with the imperial family. As well as having administrative and fi scal skills, this allowed them considerable infl uence within the court structure. They introduced fi scal policies based on Chinese systems and established the fi rst treasury. They collected, stored, and paid for goods produced by employees. The Soga introduced to the court the idea that the Korean peninsula could be used as a trade route rather than for military conquest. The powerful Soga clan was in favor of the introduction of Buddhism to Japan, but in the beginning the Soga found opposition from other clans, such as the Nakatomi, who performed the Shinto rituals at the court, and the Mononabe, who wanted the military aspect of the court to be maintained and elevated in importance. Confl icts arose between the clans, with Soga vowing to build a temple and encourage the spread of Buddhism as the main instrument of worship if successful in battle. They were successful, and there were several Buddhist temples built, and Buddhism became a strong religion in Japan. The Soga believed that the teachings of Buddhism would lead to a more peaceful and safe society. The intermarriage of the Soga with the imperial family paved the way for Soga Umako (Soga Chieftain) to install his nephew as emperor, later assassinate him, and replace him with Empress Suiko. Unfortunately, Empress Suiko, was a puppet for Soga Umako and Prince Regent Shotoku Taishi. A system of 12 ranks was established, making it possible to elevate the status of offi cials based on merit rather than birth right. Prince Regent Shotoku Taishi was a devout Buddhist and a scholar of Confucian principles. Under his instigation Confucian models of rank and etiquette were introduced, and he introduced the Chinese calendar. He built numerous Buddhist temples, had court chronicles written, and established diplomatic links with China. However, with the deaths of Prince Regent Shotoku Taishi, Soga Umako, and Empress Suiko, there was a coup to gain succession to the imperial throne. The coup was led by Prince Naka and Nakatomi Kamatari, who introduced the Taika (Great Change) Reforms, which established the system of social, fi scal, 496 Yamato clan and state and administrative codes based on the ritsuryo system of China. The reforms were aimed at strengthening the emperor’s power over his subjects and not leaving the fi nal decisions to his cabinet. These reforms ushered in the decline of the Yamato court by lessening the control of the court clans over the agricultural lands and the occupational groups. The reforms abolished the hereditary titles for the clan leaders and instead of them advising the emperor there would be ministries. The new order wanted to have control over all of Japan and make the people subjects of the throne. There were taxes placed on the harvests, and the country was divided into provinces headed by courtappointed governors. See also Shintoism; Three Kingdoms, Korea. Further reading: Hong, W. Paekche of Korea and the Origin of Yamato Japan. Seoul, South Korea: Kudara International, 1994; Imamura, K. Prehistoric Japan: New Perspectives on Insular East Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1966; Latourette, S. K. The History of Japan. New York: Macmillan, 1957; Mason, R. H. P., and Caiger. A History of Japan. Australia: Cassell, 1972; Mitsusada, I. Introduction to Japanese History—Before the Meiji Restoration. Japan Cultural Society, Kokusai Bunka Shinkokai, 1968. Shelley Allsop Yao, Shun, and Yu (fl . 3rd milennium b.c.e.) legendary Chinese rulers In Chinese accounts of the beginning of their civilization, three rulers of exceptional virtue followed the legendary culture heroes Fuxi (Fu-hsi), Shengnong (Shengnung), and the Yellow Emperor; they were Kings Yao, Shun, and Yu. Their shared characteristic was that each rejected his own son as unworthy and tried to install the best-qualifi ed man as his successor, unsuccessfully in the case of Yu. Their unselfi shness has fi gured importantly in Chinese historical writings and made them model rulers. Documents that purportedly date to their rule constitute the fi rst section of the second Confucian classic, the Shu Jing (Shu Ching), or Book of History (also called Book of Documents). Yao (r. 2357–2256 b.c.e.) and Shun (r. 2255–2205 b.c.e.) are revered fi gures because they epitomized wisdom, humility, and unselfi shness. The canon of Yao in the Book of History cites Yao as a descendant of the Yellow Emperor and credits him with devising a calendar of 356 days to regulate agriculture, encouraging morality, establishing a rudimentary government, and above all selecting a successor unselfi shly. After ruling for 70 years he set about choosing a worthy successor because he thought his own son unfi t and found a humble man called Shun, who was admired as a dutiful son to undeserving parents. Shun did not think himself worthy, but Yao insisted and married his two daughters to Shun to observe his behavior. Yao shared his rule with Shun for 28 years and then abdicated in favor of Shun. Shun, according to legend, also descended from the Yellow Emperor and was a virtuous and benevolent ruler. Both Yao’s and Shun’s reigns were troubled by great fl oods and attempts to build dikes that did not work. Shun then appointed an offi cial named Yu to deal with the problem. Yu traveled the land and worked on fl ood control for more than a decade, succeeding because he dredged the riverbeds and channeled the water to the sea. He worked so hard that on three occasions he passed his own house and heard his wife and children weeping in loneliness but did not go in. Such was his dedication that Shun set aside his son, made Yu his co-ruler for 17 years, and then abdicated in his favor. Yu was also a humane and wise ruler (r. 2205– 2198 b.c.e.). Together Yao, Shun, and Yu are called the Three Sage Rulers. Yu also attempted to bypass his son and appoint the best man his successor. The people were so grateful to him that they insisted on putting his son Qi (Chi) on the throne. Thus began the fi rst Chinese dynasty, the Xia (Hsia) dynasty. The territory under these three rulers was centered on modern Shanxi (Shansi) Province in northern China. Later, Chinese historians idealized Yao, Shun, and Yu, extolling their reign as the golden age. Their moral conduct became the grand themes of historical and literary writings for posterity. As a result of modern scientifi c methods of investigating history they have been assigned to the position of legendary fi gures. See also Confucian Classics. Further reading: Chang, Kwang-chih. The Archaeology of Ancient China. 4th ed., rev. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986; Chen, Te-k’un. Archaeology in China, Vol. 1, Prehistoric China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959; Creel, Herrlee H. The Birth of China, a Study of the Formative Period of Chinese Civilization. New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing, 1937; Waltham, Clae. Shu Ching, Book of History. Chicago: Regnery, 1971. Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur Yao, Shun, and Yu 497 Yayoi culture Beginning in Kyushu and spreading eastward toward the north, migrants from mainland Asia introduced Yayoi culture to Japan, especially via the Korean peninsula. The Yayoi culture of Japanese history was evident between the third century b.c.e. and the third century c.e. The population practiced animism, that is, they attributed all natural phenomena as having a living soul that they called kami. They also worshipped the spirits of their ancestors. Shrines were few in number. There was no written language in Japan at this time, so nothing was documented by the people about their culture and way of life. The Chinese, however, did have an advanced writing system, so they were able to record the development of the culture. Clothing was simple, with most fabric woven from hemp and bark fibers. There was no currency, so bartering was used to trade farm implements. Yayoi farmers fished, hunted, gathered, and grew vegetables and rice. In the early Yayoi years there were no cities, and it was the first time in Japan’s history that permanent settlements started to appear in the agricultural community. This was because of the introduction of a highly advanced form of rice cultivation using irrigation, known as wet rice farming. As time went on, the Yayoi started large-scale irrigation farming, which strengthened their economy, including the establishment of terraced paddy fields. The Yayoi were so successful in the growing of rice that there was often a surplus. To store this surplus they developed storage buildings on stilts, after finding that the traditional method of burying rice in pits resulted in moldy rice. Such surpluses allowed the villages to increase in population, and as the Yayoi era progressed, these villages would merge to create larger settlements. As the cultivation of wet rice necessitated the building of paddies, migrants brought implements to work the land, hence the introduction of metal tools from the mainland. Iron was the first metal, mainly from Korea, followed by bronze from China. As time progressed, the local craftsmen were taught to work the metal, and they began to develop their own styles. Among the implements produced in this period were swords, arrowheads, axes, chisels, knives, sickles, and fishhooks. They also produced decorative items like mirrors and ceremonial bells that were mainly used for religious rituals and symbols of status. Another distinctive characteristic of Yayoi culture was earthenware. The pottery wheel was first introduced to Japan in this period. Yayoi pottery was smoother and more uniform and had a better shape than earlier Jomon pottery. It was unglazed and more simply decorated in comparison with Jomon pottery, more akin to early Korean pottery. The term Yayoi is derived from an area in Tokyo where evidence of this earthenware was discovered. Even though the Yayoi culture covered much of Japan, not all regions developed the same traits; for example, the pottery found in the north had indications of using a comb effect in the decorations to form lines or bands. During these years there was a progression toward civilization illustrated in methods of burying the dead, regardless of their position in the community. At first the dead were buried in simple, single graves covered in dirt mounds. Later they were left in more elaborate graves, some of stone or clay, often with stone dolmens over the site. This shows one aspect of the Chinese influence on the cultural elements of the Yayoi. In the later years of the period, leading into the Kofun (Yamato) era, some of the burial sites were set apart from the others suggesting the beginning of a class stratum and that some people had started to gain power in the community. The Yayoi period was the turning point for the development of Japanese culture. At the end of the era, when the villages had amassed wealth, conflicts began over the surrounding lands. It proved beneficial to amalgamate into larger settlements, thus initiating the beginnings of social order and the evolution of political entities that would unify the larger villages into states, finally accepting one ruling body. See also Jomon culture. Further reading: Hong, W. Paekche of Korea and the Origin of Yamato Japan. Seoul, South Korea: Kudara International, 1994; Imamura, K. Prehistoric Japan: New Perspectives on Insular East Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1966; Latourette, S. K. The History of Japan. New York: Macmillan, 1957; Mitsusada, I. Introduction to Japanese History—Before the Meiji Restoration. Japan Cultural Society, Kokusai Bunka Shinkokai, 1968. Shelley Allsop Yellow Emperor (Huangdi, or Huang Ti) (r. 2697–2597 b.c.e.) legendary Chinese hero According to Chinese tradition or mythology, civilization began as a result of the innovations introduced by culture heroes at the beginning of the third millenium b.c.e. The first ones were Fuxi (Fu-hsi) the Ox Tamer 498 Yayoi culture and Shengnong (Sheng-nung) the Divine Farmer, who taught people to domesticate animals, instituted family life and settled agriculture, and established markets for trading. Their inventions or innovations denoted advancement of ancient peoples from the Paleolithic age to the Neolithic age. A period of chaos ensued after Fuxi and Shengnong’s rule until Huangdi (Huang Ti), or the Yellow Emperor, established most of the trappings of kingship. Many advances resulted from his reign. People began to live in wooden houses, built walled towns, traveled in boats and carts, and made pottery. His wife taught women to raise silkworms and spin and weave silk. His ministers taught the art of divination by the Sun, Moon, and stars and invented musical notations, arithmetic, and established the calendar. They also invented writing. Fuxi, Shengnong, and the Yellow Emperor are culture heroes. Huangdi was also credited with winning a great battle against “barbarian” tribes somewhere in modern- day Shanxi (Shansi) Province in northern China, consolidating his kingdom and beginning the history of China as a nation. Later legendary rulers Yao, Shun, and Yu (founders of the Xia [Hsia] dynasty) and the founders of the Shang dynasty and Zhou (Chou) dynasty were all reputedly his descendants. Since the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties together constituted the formative age of Chinese civilization, and their rulers all claimed descent from the Yellow Emperor, by extension the Chinese people have regarded him as their common ancestral hero and called themselves his descendants. Thus, the legend of the Yellow Emperor is important to the Chinese civilization. Further reading: Allen, Sarah. The Heir and the Sage: Myth, Art, Dynastic Legend in Early China. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1981; Chang, Kwang-chih. The Archaeology of Ancient China. 4th ed., rev. and enlarged. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986 . Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur Yellow Turban Rebellion The Yellow Turban Rebellion was a messianic uprising (184–185 c.e.) that was both a symptom and cause of the fall of the Han dynasty (202 b.c.e.–220 c.e.). It occurred during the disastrous reign of Emperor Lin (r. 168–189 c.e.) Ascending the throne at age 12, Lin was under the control of the regent, who sought to eliminate the dominance of corrupt eunuchs with the assistance of the scholar-offi cials. However, the eunuchs acted fi rst, killed the regent, purged the offi cials, and proceeded to rule unchecked during the next 20 years. They let landlordism increase unchecked while increasing taxes on the peasants. The economic distress of the population was exacerbated by natural disasters including droughts and fl ooding of the Yellow River, all producing famine and refugee movements. These distresses caused peasant revolts, which combined political discontent with religious overtones. They culminated in 184 c.e. in the Yellow Turban Rebellion. The name was derived from the yellow turban the rebels wore to distinguish themselves from government troops. The rebels had chosen yellow because it symbolized the earth, their logo, which according to Chinese cosmology followed fi re, represented by red, the symbol of the Han. The rebels chose signs and symbols to signify cosmic support and religious justifi cation. The rebels were also messianic and millennarian, based on certain interpretations of popular Daoism (Taoism). The Yellow Turbans were led by a man surnamed Zhang (Chang) who taught that the recent plague was caused by sin and could be cured by public confessions, magical and religious practices, and the wearing of amulets and charms. Zhang proclaimed that he could then renew the world and bring about a golden age of Great Peace (tai ping). (Great Peace became the name of another major messianic peasant revolt in the 1850s.) The Yellow Turbans met success in 16 commanderies in northern China but were defeated by 185 c.e., not by the inept regular troops, but by troops raised by powerful provincial commanders. The result was the breakdown of the central government that inaugurated an era during which emperors, all minors after Emperor Lin’s death, were puppets of the regional warlords, while at the capital families of their mothers and grandmothers vied for control. The fi rst powerful warlord to march on the capital of Luoyang (Loyang) was named Dong Zho (Tung Cho), who massacred more than 2,000 eunuchs, ending their power, then deposed the young emperor, looted the city, and burned down the imperial library. Dong was soon killed. A new boy emperor was installed, named Xiandi (Hsien-ti), but he was a pathetic plaything of the rival generals. Xiandi’s abdication in 220 was a mere formality that ratifi ed the real power alignment between three major contenders. The Yellow Turban Rebellion contributed to the long decline and fall of the Han dynasty. See also Three Kingdoms, China. Yellow Turban Rebellion 499 Further reading: Allen, Sarah. The Heir and the Sage: Myth, Art, Dynastic Legend in Early China. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1981; Chang, Kwang-chih. The Archaeology of Ancient China. 4th ed., rev. and enlarged. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986. Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur Yemen Yemen is the state occupying the southwestern part of the Arabian Peninsula. Because of the extensive desert in the interior of the peninsula, Yemen has undemarcated borders with Oman to the east and Saudi Arabia to the north. The western and southern borders are marked by the coast, running along both the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. Trade characterized the history of early Yemen. The harsh climate and the generally unproductive nature of much of the interior meant that most of Yemeni culture and history was focused on a comparatively narrow coastal strip. However, some highland areas were important economically and were settled from an early period. Recent discovery of megaliths on a coastal plain at al-Tihamah indicate that even marginally habitable desert regions of Yemen were occupied perhaps as long ago as 2400 b.c.e. However, it was not until some centuries later that a number of powerful, independent city-states emerged in the area. The basis of these states was the local monopoly control of frankincense and myrrh and the command of the spice trade from South Asia, which resulted from knowledge of wind conditions. Both myrrh and frankincense are derived from gum resins, obtained by removing the bark from a portion of a tree and allowing the resin to extrude and harden. From the seventh century b.c.e. caravans took the myrrh and frankincense along land routes to Ctesiphon, Syria, and the Mediterranean cities. The biblical queen of Sheba was located in Yemen, an area later known The city of Thula in Yemen stands at the eastern foot of an ancient fort. Much of Yemeni culture was focused on the narrow coastal strip, yet even marginally habitable desert regions of Yemen were occupied perhaps as long ago as 2400 b.c.e. 500 Yemen by the Romans as Arabia Felix—“fortunate Arabia.” In addition to the Sabaean or Sheba state, there were also the Minaean and the Himyarite states. These states also had access to eastern Africa and traded into luxury items such as ostrich plumes. The wealth that these various items produced meant that from approximately 1200 b.c.e. to 255 c.e. they were famous throughout the Mediterranean world. Inevitably, wealth stimulated desire and a number of attempts were made to dominate the region from the outside. The most well known of these attempts was by the Romans, and eventually Arabia was annexed by Trajan, who redirected maritime trade to the west coast of the Red Sea. Further, Roman sailors discovered the knowledge of the winds, and monopolization of the spice trade by Yemenis ended. Both Greeks and Romans had already managed to source their own trade goods through the Yemeni port of Muza, which is now lost. Independent, wealthy Yemeni states were no longer possible. The great engineering projects began to fail as falling incomes meant lower revenues for public works. Symbolically, the Ma’rib Great Dam failed in 525, victim of the failure to reinforce its structure. Yemeni people were a mixture of Jewish and Christians by this time, together with a mixture of adherents of indigenous beliefs. The last Himyarite king, Dhu Nuwas (Yusuf Asaf Yathar), converted to Judaism and subsequently ordered a massacre of Christians. Survivors called for help from the Byzantine emperor in the name of the Aksumite Christians of Yemen. This enabled the Aksumites to dominate Yemen and even threaten to control the area around Mecca and Medina. In return, Himyarites called the Persian Empire for help, which led to the absorption of Yemen into Persia. Subsequently, Yemen came to be governed by the Umayyid caliphate in Damascus and afterward by the Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad. Islamization of Yemen occurred rapidly but has become a controversial subject among Islamic societies and their scholars, many of whom have little interest in pre-Islamic history and in some extreme cases have inhibited research into the subject. The Yemeni people enthusiastically embraced Islam, and the early conversion of the state is remembered as a matter of considerable pride. See also Ethiopia, ancient. Further reading: Bandes, Susan J. “Frankincense and Myrrh: Objects from the Red Sea Trade Routes during the Roman Empire.” Yemen Update (v.24, 1988); Harrington, Spencer P. M. “Yemeni Megaliths.” Archaeology. Available online. URL: http://www.archaeology.org (January 2006); Korotayev, Andrey. Some General Trends of the Evolution of the Sabaic Language and Sabaean Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. John Walsh Yuezhi (Yueh-chih) In the second century b.c.e. the Yuezhi people, described as light-skinned and speaking an Indo-European language (and without a written language), lived in western Gansu (Kansu) Province and the region between the Altai and Tianshan (T’ien-shan) Mountains in present-day northwestern China. They were hereditary enemies of another nomadic group, the Xiongnu (Hsiung-nu). Their misfortune began when Maotun (Mao-t’un), who had spent time as a hostage among them, became leader of the Xiongnu in 209 b.c.e. Maotun would lead his people to unprecedented power by defeating both the newly established Han dynasty in China and other nomadic tribes. The Yuezhi were among his fi rst victims: After being defeated in 175–174 b.c.e., they were expelled from the Gansu Corridor and began their westward migration. Maotun’s successors continued to wage war against the Yuezhi who had settled in the Ili Valley in presentday Xinjiang (Sinkiang) in China. One branch, called the Xiao Yuezhi (Hsiao Yueh-chih), or Small Yuezhi, moved south into areas controlled by another, nomadic people called Qiang (Ch’iang) and lost their separate identity. Another branch, called the Da Yuezhi (Ta Yueh-chih), or Greater Yuezhi, moved further west, eventually playing a role in the destruction of the Greek kingdom of Bactria and settling in the northwestern edge of the Indian world. There they prospered, due to the location of their new home: an important meeting point along the Silk Road between China, India, Persia, and the Roman Empire. A mosaic of peoples mingled in the cosmopolitan state they created, called the Kushan Empire. Archaeologists have excavated the rich remains at Begram in modern Afghanistan, the capital of the Kushan Empire, and at other sites. The remains included Greco-Roman sculptures and bronzes, Indian ivory, jewelry and gold ornaments, Chinese bronzes, silks and lacquerware, and Alexandrian glass, indicating that rich trade existed under the Kushans over 2,000 years ago. The dominance of Buddhist religious art shows the primacy of Buddhism among the Kushan people, though the presence of Persian and Greco-Roman deities suggest the presence of other religions among the population. In 138 b.c.e. Yuezhi 501 the Han emperor Wu sent an envoy Zhang Qian (Chang Ch’ien) west to seek out the Da Yuezhi for an alliance against their mutual enemy the Xiongnu. After many tribulations Zhang did fi nd them, not in the Ili Valley, but in Afghanistan. They had however settled down and refused to cross swords with the Xiongnu again. See also Han Wudi (Han Wu-ti); Wen and Wu. Further reading: Grousset, Rene. The Empire of the Steppe, a History of Central Asia. Trans. by Naomi Walford. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1994; Hsu, Choyun, and Kathryn Linduff. Western Chou Civilization. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988; Hulsewe, A. F. P. China in Central Asia: The Early Stage 125 B.C.–A.D. 23. Introduction by M. A. N. Loewe. Leiden, Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1979; Twitchett, Denis, and Michael Loewe, eds. The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 1, The Ch’in and Han Empires, 221 B.C.–A.D. 220. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur
The Expanding World 600 CE to 1450 Edit
Yarmuk, Battle of The Battle of Yarmuk (a tributary of the Jordan River), close to the present-day border of Syria and Jordan, was a decisive battle between the Byzantine Empire and the rapidly expanding Arab Islamic empire. In the 630s as Arab forces advanced out of the Arabian Peninsula into Iraq in the east and greater Syria in the northeast they encroached deep inside Byzantine territory. When they lay siege to Damascus and other major cities, the Byzantine emperor Heraclius (r. 610–641) grew alarmed and raised a large army of Greek and native Arabs in the eastern Mediterranean to defeat the Muslim army. However the Arab Islamic forces of Bedu tribespeople were often joined by Arab volunteers, many of them Christians, who had become disaffected by Byzantine policies and high taxation. The able Arab commander Khalid ibn al-Walid had already achieved major military victories in the Arabian Peninsula and was a keen strategist. The Arabs also enjoyed the advantages of a new dynamic religious faith, mobility, and a willingness to fi ght in the heat of the midday with scant water supplies. The Arab forces only numbered about 25,000; although the commonly given number of 90,000 Byzantine troops is an exaggeration, the Byzantines clearly outnumbered the Arabs. In August 636, when the Arab and Byzantine forces met along the Yarmuk River, which is traversed by deep ravines, the forces were spread out over several kilometers. The fi ghting lasted for six days and several times seemed to shift in favor of the Byzantines. In keeping with Arab tradition, women and children accompanied the forces in wartime and on several well-documented occasions the women urged the men forward and even marched toward the Greeks armed with swords and tent posts. Fifty-year-old Hind Bint Utba, who had already earned a reputation as a formidable force in the Islamic community, marshaled troops in defense of their positions. Allegedly, the Greeks were so startled by the sight of armed women that some jumped over a cliff at the edge of the battlefi eld. By the end of the sixth day of fi ghting the Arabs were clearly victorious and, with no backup plans, the Byzantine forces retreated into the Anatolian Peninsula. The victory at Yarmuk paved the way for the conquest of Damascus and then Jerusalem in 638. The inhabitants of Jerusalem handed the city, considered sacred to Jews, Christians, and Muslims, directly to Caliph Omar. The newly gained territories of the eastern Mediterranean were consolidated under the Umayyad Caliphate led by Caliph Muaw’iya, Hind’s son, and Damascus was made the new capital. Arab forces also went on to conquer Egypt and North Africa. The new Arab Islamic empire assimilated many Byzantine cultural and architectural styles and many of the Arab Christians, who were not forced to convert, gradually adopted Arabic as the primary language. See also Byzantine Empire: political history; Umayyad dynasty. Further reading: Nicolle, David. Yarmuk 636 a.d. The Muslim Conquest of Syria. London: Osprey, 1994; McGraw, Y Donner F. The Early Islamic Conquests. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981. Janice J. Terry Yaroslav the Wise (c. 978–1054) grand prince of Novgorod and Kiev Also called Iaroslav, or Yaroslav Mudryi in Russian, Yaroslav the Wise was grand prince of Kiev from 1019 to 1054, one of the brightest representatives of the Riurykide (Rurikovich) dynasty, who was best known in eastern European history as a powerful leader of the early centralized Kievan Rus state. He was the son of Grand Prince Vladimir I (Volodymyr) (Vladimir the Great). He is also recognized as a skillful administrator, military leader, and diplomat who put the Kievan Rus state on the political map of medieval Europe as one of the important powers of his era. At the end of Yaroslav’s rule in Rostov (c. 988–c. 1010) the new city of Yaroslav (about 100 miles from Rostov) was established in his honor. He was then sent to rule the city of Novgorod in the northern part of Kievan Rus. Yaroslav preferred to use Viking (Varangian) mercenaries in Novgorod (the Riurykide dynasty, in fact, was of Viking descent). The Vikings, the privileged and favorites of the prince, were cruel and violent toward locals. In 1014 Yaroslav decided not to pay tribute to his father, Grand Prince Vladimir. The angry father prepared to fi ght his son but soon died of illness. After the death of Vladimir, his eldest son, Svyatopolk, decided to win the throne of Kiev. To prevent his brothers from ascension to the throne, Svyatopolk killed Boris, Gleb, and Svyatoslav and acquired the throne. Svyatopolk, who became known as the Accursed (Okayannyi in Russian) for killing his own brothers, was very unpopular among ordinary citizens, soldiers, and the nobility in Kiev. Yaroslav, whose life was spared by the distance between Kiev and Novgorod, challenged Svyatopolk. He relied greatly on the help of Viking mercenaries as well as on citizens of Novgorod who were more than happy to assist him in his battle against Svyatopolk the Accursed. After a long battle with Svyatopolk, Yaroslav defeated him and seized power in 1016. Svyatopolk escaped to Poland. The Polish king Boleslas, interested in helping Svyatopolk in exchange for territorial concessions, sent his troops to Kiev. Yaroslav was defeated in a bitter battle in 1017 and escaped to Novgorod. By 1019 he gathered more troops from Novgorod. In a decisive battle he defeated his brother and became the grand prince of Kievan Rus. It took him about two decades to assert his authority over some remote parts of his country, since he fought with another brother, Mstislav. From 1036 Yaroslav was the sole ruler of Kievan Rus. Yaroslav ruled Kievan Rus for about 35 years, consolidating political and economic power and making the city of Kiev one of the greatest cultural centers in eastern Europe. He was notable for his military achievements, as he defeated the powerful and destructive nomadic Pechenegs on the Kievan southern frontier in 1036–37. In a series of campaigns on the western frontier in the 1030s and 1040s he weakened the Polish state, won the province of Galicia from Poland, and expanded his possessions in the Baltic region by subduing Estonians, Lithuanians, and other tribal confederations. He also attempted to challenge the political dominance of the Byzantine Empire in southeastern Europe but was defeated at Constantinople in 1043. The cultural and religious development of Kievan Rus was greatly advanced by Yaroslav during his rule. He promoted the spread of Christianity, which was formally introduced by his father, Vladimir, in 988. A considerable number of religious and some secular books were brought from the Byzantine Empire and were translated from Greek to the Old Slavonic and Old Church Slavonic languages. It is important to highlight that the close religious ties of Yaroslav with the Byzantine Church contributed to the future isolation of Russia from the Roman Catholic Church and consequently from Latin civilization. Yaroslav understood the signifi - cance of art. He encouraged Byzantine artists and artisans, especially architects, to settle in his capital. New churches were built, and the fi rst Russian monasteries were established during the reign of Yaroslav to signify the central role of the Christian church in the state. The monumental cathedral of St. Sophia and the Golden Gate of the Kievan Fortress became the most famous examples of the Kievan architecture. Under the order of Yaroslav, the country’s legal system was codifi ed and completed with publication of the legal code called Yaroslav’s Justice (Pravda Yaroslava in Slavic). Yaroslav was continuously replacing tribal leaders with his own associates and vigorously persecuting pagan leaders and suppressing paganism. These actions further contributed to transformation of the East Slavic tribal confederations into a dynamic feudal state and strengthened positions of the religious clergy in the political affairs. In 1051 Yaroslav appointed the local metropolitan Illarion for the fi rst time without the participation of Constantinople. 434 Yaroslav the Wise Yaroslav pursued a very active foreign policy; he supported and promoted international trade. Russian merchants successfully traded as far as the Byzantine Empire, France, Hungary, Norway, and Persia. He built alliances with several central European and western powers through dynastic marriages, as his daughter Elizabeth was married to Harald III of Norway, daughter Anna to Henry I of France, and Anastasia to Andrew I of Hungary. Yaroslav was married to a Swedish princess and his sister married a Byzantine prince. This cemented the high prestige of the Kievan Rus state, and Yaroslav’s dynasty in Europe. Yaroslav died in 1054, respected as a successful builder of the centralized Kievan Rus state. In his will he divided his domain among his fi ve sons, entrusting the Kievan throne to his eldest son, Izaslav. However the state was ripped apart very soon after Yaroslav’s death by his ambitious, but not farsighted sons. See also Vikings: Russia. Further reading: Florinsky, M. T. Russia: A History and Interpretation. New York: MacMillan, 1954; Freeze, Gregory, ed. Russia: A History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002; Hosking, G. Russia and the Russians: A History. London: Allen Lane, 2001; Hrushevsky, Mykhailo, et al. History of Ukraine-Rus’, From Prehistory to the Eleventh Century. Englewood, NJ: Ukrainian Academic Press, 1997; Kliuchevskii, V. O. A History of Russia. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1911– 1931; Kocherha, Ivan. Yaroslav the Wise: A Drama in Verse. Trans. by Walter May. Kiev: Dnipro, 1982; Riasanovsky, Nicholas V. A History of Russia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Rafi s Abazov Yelu Chucai (1189–1243) Chinese statesman Yelu Chucai belonged to the Yelu clan of the Khitan Liao dynasty, which ruled northeastern China 916– 1125. After the fall of Liao his branch of the family remained in northern China and served the Jin (Chin) dynasty (1115–1234) that had destroyed Liao. He was thoroughly Sinicized, a follower of Confucian philosophy, and also practiced Buddhism. The Mongol army captured him in 1215 and three years later he was sent to Mongolia. He so impressed Genghis Khan in an interview that Genghis appointed him scribe and court astrologer; he accompanied Genghis on campaigns to Central Asia between 1216 and 1219. When Ogotai Khan succeeded his father as grand khan in 1229, a debate ensued among his advisers on the general policy directions. The extreme faction advocated the extermination of the agricultural population of northern China and use of the land for pasturage. Yelu Chucai argued forcibly in favor of letting the people live and taxing them, which would generate more revenue and benefi t the imperial treasury in the long run. Ogotai decided to give Yelu Chucai’s proposal a one-year trial period. Yelu Chucai devised a plan that assessed every adult a fi xed tribute paid in silk yarn or silver, and every farming family a set grain tax. This fi xed and predictable tax that everyone had to pay was preferable to the random and ruthless looting up to that time, and for the Mongol government resulted in increased revenue. As a result Ogotai appointed Yelu Chucai head of his secretariat that oversaw the administration for North China; he would use his position to push for more reforms. One was to take a census for more accurate tax assessment. Another was to apply the Jin code for administration of laws for the Chinese population because the Mongol code was unsuitable for a sedentary culture. In 1238 he was able to hold examinations for the Chinese population across North China. A quarter of the candidates still had the status of prisoners of war or slaves of the Mongols. The exams were based on the Confucian Classics, and over 4,000 men passed. However Ogotai employed few of those who passed and only in very lowly posts. This was because the Mongol rulers had no intention of sharing power with their Chinese subjects. Yelu Chucai also had limited success in his tax reforms because of Ogotai’s constant demand for more revenue and orders to increase taxes at will. He turned to a system of tax farming relying on his Central Asian supporters to collect taxes and keeping a portion for themselves. Central Asians were also favored as moneylenders, who loaned money to farmers to pay their taxes and charged over 100 percent per year in interest. Ogotai also created numerous appanages (fi efs) for his relatives and supporters, who were able to mistreat the people under their control without government interference. Yelu Chucai died in 1243 in Karakorum. His great contribution was to persuade Ogotai not to exterminate the conquered northern Chinese population. His reforms were largely put aside in favor of Mongol policy interests. Further reading: Franke, Herbert, and Denis Sinor, eds. Cambridge History of China, Vol. 6: Alien Regimes and Border States 907–1368. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994; de Rachewiltz, Igor, Hok-lam Chan, Hsiao Ch’i-ch’ing, and Peter W. Geier eds. In the Service of the Khan: Eminent Yelu Chucai 435 Personalities in the Early Mongol-Yuan Period (1200–1300). Weisbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1992; Wright, Arthur F., and Denis Twitchett eds. Confucian Personalities. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962. Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur Yongle (Yung-lo) (1360–1424) Chinese emperor The man who became the third ruler of China’s Ming dynasty (1368–1644) as Emperor Yongle (Yung-lo) (meaning “lasting joy”) was the fourth son of Zhu Yuanzhang (Chu Yuan-chang), the dynastic founder. His personal name was Zhu Di (Chu Ti). Well grounded in Confucian studies and also a proven military commander, he personally led expeditions deep into Mongolia. Granted the title prince of Yan (Yen) by his father, he was also appointed commander of a large garrison that guarded Yan and the former Yuan dynasty (1279– 1368) capital Dadu (T’a-tu). Zhu Yuanzhang, who is known as Emperor Hongwu (Hung-wu) and posthumously as Taizu (T’ai-Tsu), appointed his eldest son the crown prince, and the crown prince’s eldest son as his heir when the crown prince died before him. Taizu died in 1398 and his 20-year-old grandson succeeded as Emperor Jianwen (Chien-wen). The young emperor and his advisers at once made political changes that included purging his uncles (sons of Taizu), some of whom commanded troops guarding against Mongol invasions. These provoked a crisis and war when Jianwen seized two of the prince of Yan’s offi cials and carried them off to Nanjing (Nanking), the then Ming capital, for execution. As the eldest surviving son of Taizu the prince of Yan accused his nephew of persecuting the princes and wrongfully changing the direction set by the dynastic founder. Hostilities began in 1399 with an attack by the emperor’s forces. The prince, who was a superb commander and strategist, had about 100,000 troops. The emperor had over 300,000 men but they were less well led. After a hard campaign the gates of Nanjing were opened to the prince’s army on July 13, 1402. In the melee the palace caught fi re and when the fi re died out three badly burned bodies were found and declared to be those of Jianwen, his empress, and their eldest son (his second son was two years old and lived for many years in protective custody). Because there was no proof of the authenticity of the corpses, searches for Jianwen continued for many years and legends proliferated about what had happened to him. (Many years later he was found and identifi ed by a birthmark, living as a Buddhist monk, and was allowed to live out his life.) Zhu Di thus became emperor, not the successor of his nephew, but of his father. He chose the reign name Emperor Yongle. Jianwen’s supporters were purged. Emperor Yongle is regarded as the second founder of the Ming dynasty because of his numerous accomplishments and the expansion of the empire under his rule. A professional soldier, he took great interest in military affairs. To prevent a recurrence of his own rebellion against the reigning emperor, he removed his brothers and younger sons from active command, reorganized the army, and rotated provincial units to frontier duty and campaigns. Since the northern frontier remained vulnerable, and since his new capital Beijing (Peking) was close to the borderland, he emphasized defenses in the north, taking measures to ensure good communications, grain transport, and logistical support for the troops and settling many on the frontiers as soldier-farmers. He used both diplomacy and military action in relationships with the nomads to ensure Chinese interests and to prevent them from becoming allies of the Mongols in the northwest. Likewise he conciliated the various Jurchen tribes in Manchuria to gain their submission as vassals. Over a century earlier the fi rst Yuan ruler, Kubilai Khan, had obtained control over Tibet. As Mongol power collapsed, Tibet went its own way under a fractured political-religious system. Yongle did not attempt to gain political control over Tibet and treated its top clergy with respect and lavished gifts on them when they visited, happy that they were not united, and therefore could not threaten his borders. His main concern was over the Mongols. Between 1410 and 1424 he personally led fi ve campaigns into Mongolia, each with over 250,000 troops, falling ill and dying during the last one. His goal was to forestall the formation of Mongol alliances and while he scored victories each time, he could not destroy them or prevent them from coalescing again. Following his death Ming strategy changed to a defensive one. To secure China’s primacy in the Asian world Taizu had obtained Korea’s vassalage (following the fall of the Yuan dynasty Koreans too threw out the Mongols. A new dynasty, called Yi or Choson, was established in 1392). In 1407 Yongle sent an army to conquer Annam (modern North Vietnam), a vassal state, because of involvement in local politics. The Chinese army crushed the Annamese army in battle and annexed the region as Chinese provinces. The Annamese, however, waged 436 Yongle a guerrilla war of resistance that was costly to China. Finally, in 1427, three years after Yongle’s death, a peace agreement was reached whereby Annam ruled itself but acknowledged Chinese overlordship. Between 1405 and 1422 Yongle sent six huge naval expeditions under a eunuch admiral named Zheng He (Cheng Ho) that showed the Chinese fl ag from Southeast Asia, across the Indian Ocean, Persian Gulf, to East Africa and brought about trade and acknowledgment of Chinese overlordship from numerous small states throughout the region. Nanjing was an unpleasant memory to Yongle, who rebuilt the Yuan capital Dadu (T’a-tu); named it Beijing (Peking), meaning Northern Capital; and moved his government there in 1421. He built its imposing city wall, the imperial palace (residence and offi ce) of over 9,000 rooms, the Temple of Heaven, many temples, and a huge mausoleum for himself outside the city. In government he continued and expanded institutions and practices begun by his father, which became the fi xed pattern of administration through the dynasty. The examination system continued to produce talented men for the government, the best among whom were recruited to the Hanlin Academy, which helped the monarch to draft laws, process documents, and deal with problems. Highly educated and author of philosophical essays, he gathered more than 2,000 scholars who worked for fi ve years to produce a work called the Yongle Dadian (Yung-lo t’a-tien) comprising 11,469 large volumes and over 50 million words. It was an encyclopedia of knowledge in all fi elds. His sponsorship of intellectual life resulted in many other literary projects and publications, printed in large numbers and widely distributed, this half a century before Johann Gutenberg’s fi rst printed book. Yongle’s accomplishments earned for him the posthumous title on Chengzu (Ch’eng-tsu), which means “successful progenitor.” See also Le dynasty of Annam. Further reading: Chan, David B. The Usurpation of the Prince of Yen, 1398–1402. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1976; Dreyer, Edward L. Early Ming China: A Political History, 1355–1435. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982. Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur Yuan dynasty Yuan was the fi rst non-Chinese dynasty to rule the entire area of the Chinese civilization (1279–1368). Kubilai Khan (grandson of Genghis Khan) proclaimed this rule in 1271, but because South China was not then under his control, historians did not formally recognize it as the ruling dynasty of China until the Southern Song (Sung) dynasty was destroyed in 1279. Up to this time all dynasties had taken the name of the geographic region of its founder’s family. Since Mongolia was not part of China culturally, Kubilai chose Yuan (Great Originator), a word from the Chinese classic the Book of Changes. Kubilai Khan (r. 1260–94) was the fi fth grand khan of the Mongol empire, but his election was disputed and despite victory over his challengers, his leadership was never fully recognized, and he spent years fi ghting wars with his kinsmen. Kubilai Khan, the greatest Yuan ruler, fought wars to enlarge his empire, unsuccessfully only against Japan and Java. He and his successors ruled directly over Mongolia, China (including Manchuria and Tibet), and indirectly over vassal states that included Korea, Burma, Siam, Annam (North Vietnam), and Champa (South Vietnam). MONGOL CASTE SYSTEM AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Although Kubilai had a much greater appreciation of Chinese culture than his predecessors and many of his contemporaries in the clan of Genghis Khan, he did not read or write Chinese. Even though his conquest of Southern Song did not feature the wholesale massacres practiced by his predecessors, his regime was nevertheless one of military occupation with Mongols the chief benefi ciaries. The Mongol government divided the people into four castes or categories as follows: The fi rst caste were Mongols, who enjoyed the highest positions and most privileges; the second caste were called se-mu (light-eyed) people, who were Middle Easterners, and other non-Chinese including Europeans such as Marco Polo; the third caste were northern Chinese and assimilated nomads; and the fourth and lowest were southern Chinese from the conquered Southern Song lands (who were the most numerous group). The Mongol rulers trusted their non-Chinese subjects precisely because they were not Chinese and were therefore unconditionally loyal; many served the Mongol masters as ruthless tax collectors and moneylenders. The most numerous group, the southern Chinese, were most distrusted and exploited. Mongols strenuously resisted assimilation to Chinese culture. Many preferred to live in yurts (tents), even in the capital palace grounds, and trekked to Mongolia to Yuan dynasty 437 hunt annually. Their love of hunting and riding resulted in huge areas throughout China being turned into pastures and hunting parks, their previous owners being evicted or enslaved. Mongol cuisine consisted mainly of boiled or roasted mutton, washed down with huge quantities of koumiss (fermented mare’s milk). Alcoholism killed many in the ruling house prematurely. The fate of the Yuan dynasty was closely tied to the effectiveness of its military. Mongols and their nomadic allies formed the elite cavalry, which was supported by land granted to the hereditary heads of the units. But because Mongols lacked managerial skills and abused the Chinese farmers, many fl ed, causing a drop in production, hence income. Chinese formed the infantry units, which were distrusted; for example, Chinese units had to turn in their weapons after maneuvers. As Mongol military effectiveness declined, the accumulated grievances of the subject people led to widespread rebellions. The offi cial language of the Yuan government was Mongolian. A written script had been created for writing down spoken Mongol under Genghis Khan; it used the Uighur script. Early Mongols practiced shamanism, but Kubilai Khan became interested in Chan (Ch’an) Buddhism in his youth and then turned to Tibetan Lamaist Buddhism after he took over Tibet and came under the infl uence of a religious leader called Phagspa. Phagspa was called on to create a new script for writing Mongol, called the Phagspa script, which is still in use. Kubilai’s adherence and patronage also led to the conversion of Mongols in Mongolia and China to become Buddhists of the Tibetan school. Kubilai and his successors also granted enormous favors and huge sums to Tibetan clergymen, who became widely hated by the Chinese for their abuse of power. Kubilai and his successors gradually allowed their Chinese subjects to add Chinese-style government offi ces, modifi ed from the Tang (T’ang) and Song model, though under Mongol supervision. In 1315 the examination system was even reinstated, but with a quota system that gave half of the doctoral degrees to Mongol and se-mu candidates regardless of qualifi cation; the number of offi cials who had passed the examinations never exceeded 4 percent. Chinese were restricted to low, mainly clerical posts and received few promotions. For committing the same crimes, Chinese were punished more severely, and Mongols were given light punishment for crimes against Chinese. Some of Kubilai Khan’s successors patronized Chinese arts and culture, became collectors of Chinese art, and endorsed the writing of the offi cial histories of all three preceding dynasties, the Song, Liao, and Jin, as the Yuan’s legitimate predecessors. However, by and large the Mongols left Chinese intellectual life alone. This allowed private academies to continue teaching Neo-Confucianism. A number of notable painters also continued along earlier traditions. Because few intellectuals found opportunities under the Yuan government, some took up unorthodox professions such as medicine, fortune telling, writing fi ction, and developing operatic drama. ECONOMIC RECOVERY AND THE LUXURY TRADE Kubilai Khan began measures to restore aspects of the damaged economy and fostered trade. Thus he had the Grand Canal repaired and built and maintained roads. These measures were necessary to transport food and luxuries from southern China to supply his court in Dadu (T’a-tu), which had been capital city of the Liao dynasty and Jin (Chin) dynasty, which had been destroyed by earlier Mongol armies and he had rebuilt. He also maintained a second capital, his headquarters from the days before becoming emperor. It was called Shangdu (Shang-tu), located 200 miles north of Dadu and close to the Mongolian steppes. The annual trek of the court from one capital to the other, which was continued throughout the dynasty, was costly. Kubilai also established a postal service with 1,400 stations, 4,000 carts, 6,000 boats, and 50,000 horses. The international luxury trade prospered because the different branches of Genghis Khan’s family ruled from Korea to eastern Europe and imposed conditions that made travel and trade safe—historians call this the Pax Tatarica (Tatar Peace). For example Chinese porcelain makers produced beautiful underglazed blue wares from the fi ne cobalt that was mined in Persia (Persia was ruled by the descendants of Kubilai Khan’s younger brother Hulagu Khan). Sorghum, a new crop, was introduced and became an important food source for North China. However the prosperity under the Yuan government was spotty and largely superfi cial. Ineptitude and rampant infl ation from fi scal irresponsibility and currency manipulation caused great harm to the economy and general impoverishment. Mongol and se-mu owned vast tracts of land, granted as appanage (fi ef) by Mongol rulers to their favorites, and reduced the people who worked for them to slavery. DECLINE AND COLLAPSE Kubilai died in 1294. He was predeceased by his heir and appointed a grandson his successor, called Temur Oljeitu, r. 1294–1307. There were no external wars 438 Yuan dynasty during the ensuing 40 years, the mid-Yuan era. However instead of consolidation bitter succession confl icts destabilized the dynasty. Nine emperors followed one another in 39 years, most coming to power under dispute, and after armed confl icts. Two were murdered while on the throne. Furthermore each change in ruler also resulted in bloody purges and policy reversals. Many of the disputes involved ethnic policy, whether to remain true to the nomadic heritage versus Sinicization, and relationship with the Chinese. Most of the short-reigning emperors were weak; several of them were children. Toghon Temur Khan (r. 1333–68) was the last and longest reigning Mongol emperor, who assumed the throne at age 13. He was dogged throughout his reign by his disputed paternity, which cast doubt on his legitimacy. He relied on powerful ministers, the fi rst of whom was called Bayan. Bayan was anti-Chinese and sought to reassert Mongol authority by imposing strict segregation between Mongols and Chinese. He forbade Chinese to learn Mongol; confi scated their weapons, iron tools, and horses, in an attempt to forestall revolts; and forbade the performance of Chinese operas. Finally he proposed solving the ethnic problem by killing all Chinese with the fi ve most popular surnames; that would have accounted for 90 percent of the population. Luckily by then the government had no ability to carry it out. Floods, droughts, and plagues (possibly the Black Death brought to China by Mongol garrisons in the Middle East) overwhelmed the crumbling administration. Toghon Temur abandoned participation in the government, giving himself over to Lama Buddhist practices and debauchery. In 1368 a successful Chinese rebel leader, Zhu Yuanzhang (Chu Yuan-chang), who had already established his headquarters and an administration in Nanjing (Nanking) south of the Yangzi (Yangtze) River, took Dadu. Before that Toghon Temur and his remaining court had fl ed to Mongolia, where he died two years later. Zhu became the founding emperor of the Ming dynasty. See also Tibetan Kingdom. Further reading: Franke, Herbert, and Denis Twitchett, eds. The Cambridge History of China, Vol. VI: Alien Regimes and Border States 907–1368. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994; Morgan, David. The Mongols. New York: David Blackwell Inc., 1987; Mote, F. W. Imperial China, 900–1800. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999. Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur Yue Fei (Yueh Fei) (1103–1142) Chinese general Yue Fei is one of the most famous and admired fi gures in Chinese history. His parents were farmers in present day Henan (Honan) province. Growing up he was acutely aware of the brutal power of the nomadic Jurchens, who frequently raided his region. In 1122 he joined a daredevil corps of the army. In 1127 the Jurchen Jin (Chin) dynasty sacked Kaifeng (K’ai-feng), the Song (Sung) dynasty capital, carrying off to the wilds of Manchuria Song; Huizong (Hui-tsung), his heir; and 3,000 members of his family and court. One of Huizong’s younger sons escaped capture and rallied loyalists in resistance against the Jurchens, retreating to South China, until they established a government in Hangzhou (Hangchou) near the coast in modern Zejiang (Chekiang) province 10 years later. That prince reigned as Gaozong (Kao-tsung) of the Southern Song dynasty. Yue Fei was the most courageous, popular, and successful general, who trained and led a well-disciplined army of over 100,000 men. Volunteers fl ocked to join his ranks, his soldiers calling themselves the “Yue Family Army.” They campaigned against local bandits who had risen in the wake of the collapse of central authority, earning gratitude of people in affected areas. They also took the offensive aggressively against Jin troops, recovering lost territory into the Yellow River valley, raising morale among the Chinese and hope of recovering lost lands. Yue’s actions and popularity did not suit Gaozong and his chief councilor Qin Gui (Ch’in Kuei), who secretly began peace negotiations with the Jin in 1138, Yue Fei 439 Lingyin Temple in Hangzhou was founded in 326 c.e.. The temple has been destroyed and restored at least 16 times over its history. because his successes stood in their path. Gaozong might have been genuinely doubtful of ultimate success in war. He also stood to lose personally if Yue defeated the Jin and forced them to return the captive Huizong and his heir (who was Gaozong’s elder brother, and therefore the rightful ruler). Qin Gui was by all accounts a powerhungry politician who staked his future on peace with the Jin, who may have demanded Yue’s elimination as their condition for peace. In 1141 Yue was relieved of his command (as were several other successful anti-Jin generals) and jailed for insubordination and malfeasance. No credible evidence could be produced against him, so Qin Gui gave an order to have him poisoned in jail, and his eldest son, a promising young offi cer and a key lieutenant, was executed. His widow and remaining children were sent to harsh exile. The Song government destroyed most documents concerning his offi cial career. Qin Giu retained power until he died in 1155. In 1661 changes in court politics led to the total rehabilitation of Yue Fei and surviving members of his family returned from exile. Yue’s body, secretly taken from the prison by sympathetic jailers, was exhumed and buried with honor. Thus began the cult of Yue Fei, as a great patriot and a rallying hero of Chinese nationalism. His mother was also honored as an unselfi sh role model; she had tattooed four characters on his back that read, “Requite the state to the limits of loyalty.” His wife was also admired for helping the families of those who served under him, and for keeping the family together after the tragedy of his death. Popular opinion made Yue a semimythical fi gure, Gaozong less than a fi lial son and courageous leader, and Qin Gui and his powerful wife despicable moral cowards. Further reading: Franke, Herbert. ed., Sung Biographies. Weisbaden: Franz Steiner, 1976–1986; Kaplan, Edward. Yueh Fei and the Founding of the Southern Sung. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Iowa, 1970. Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur
The First Global Age 1450 to 1750 Edit
Yi dynasty (early) The Choson or Yi dynasty was founded by General Yi Songgye (1335–1408; r. 1392–1408). Yi was a successful general of the declining Koryo dynasty that had ruled Korea for about 500 years. He staged a coup against his government in 1388 and four years later, with the support of the reform-minded Confucian scholars, proclaimed himself King Taejo of a new dynasty. With the approval of the newly established Ming dynasty in China, to whom he rendered vassalage, he chose the dynastic name Choson, which means “morning serenity,” and moved his capital from Kaesong to Hanyang (present-day Seoul). Besides the founder, the dynasty was well served by its third king, T’aejong (r. 1400–1418), and his son, Sejong (r. 1418–50), under whom it reached its zenith. The founders of the dynasty were firmly committed to Neo-Confucianism of the Zhu Xi (Chu Hsi) school that had been adopted as official in China since the Song (Sung) dynasty, 961–1289. Korean Neo-Confucian scholars, who were the mainstay of the dynasty, aimed to create in Korea the idealized state exemplified by China’s sage rulers of the golden age, Kings Yao, Shun, Yu, and the founders of the Shang and Zhou (Chou) dynasties. Much was achieved in the first half century of the dynasty in many fields. Learning and scholarship were esteemed and talented men were encouraged to enter government service. A National Academy was established in Seoul and state endowed schools were established in every county. Three levels of state-supervised examinations based on Confucian texts and according to Neo- Confucian interpretations were held nationwide and most officials were chosen from the ranks of successful candidates. As in China, the study of history was highly esteemed and the state sponsored the writing of official histories. Because of the high cost of importing block- printed books from China, Koreans invented movable type, the first in the world. Koreans had until now no written script and had used the Chinese written form exclusively, but because the structure of the Korean language was different from that of Chinese, King Sejong instigated the invention of a Korean alphabet, which was strictly phonetic, proclaimed in 1446. It was then called Hunmin Chongun and in the 21st century Hangul. The Yi dynasty’s commitment to Neo-Confucian principles would gradually transform Korean society and end the dominance that Buddhism had exercised over Korean life during the Koryo era. The inadequacies of Buddhism and the mismanagement of government and society under Buddhist influence were blamed for the economic and moral decline of Koryo. As a result Buddhism suffered severe decline during the Yi dynasty. Instead leaders actively inculcated Confucian moral principles. They emphasized the proper rites and rituals of ancestor worship, filial piety, loyalty, proper social relationships, the patrilineal line of descent, and proper relationship between men and women. The union between a husband and wife was regarded as the mainspring of a stable society. Whereas upper-class men previously could have several wives, who were not subject to a specified ranking order, under Confucian teachings, only one woman could be wife and mother of her husband’s heir, relegating other women of the household to concubines and their children to lesser importance. Though subject to her husband, the wife had charge of the domestic sphere, and responsibility of providing the government with loyal subjects and the family with devoted sons. The public sphere was the husband’s domain. In science and technology this era saw the invention or refinement of the sundial, the automatic waterdriven clock, armillary spheres (miniature representations of the Earth, Moon, and planets in the form of skeletal globes), and the rain gauge. Medical books that included new knowledge were published and made widely available. Since Confucians honored farmers as the backbone of society, farming was encouraged. Land reform and redistribution and the introduction of new agrarian methods from China greatly increased food production. Innovations included the introduction of new manure, crop rotation instead of letting fields lie fallow, irrigation, and autumn plowing. Commerce played a decidedly secondary role in the early Yi era. Attempts by the government to introduce paper money and copper coins proved unpopular and people preferred the old method of using a type of cloth and grain as mediums of exchange. This remained true until the early 17th century, when increased commerce led to the acceptance of metal coins. The policies and practices instituted by the founders of the Yi dynasty established the firm foundations that led to a period characterized by brilliant cultural and technical achievements. They also explain its longevity despite later setbacks. Further reading: Choy, Bong-youn. Korea, a History. Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1971; Lee, Ki-back. A New History of Korea, trans. Edward W. Wagner. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984; Lee, Peter H., ed. Sourcebook of Korean Civilization, Vol. 1, From Early Times to the Sixteenth Century. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993. Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur Yongzheng (Yung-Cheng) (1678–1735) emperor of China Yongzheng (r. 1723–35) was born as Yinchen (Yinchen), the fourth son of the emperor Kangxi (K’anghsi) and not his father’s original heir. After removing his original choice for gross misconduct, Kangxi did not name a new heir, and no one knew that Yinchen would succeed Kangxi until his will was read aloud on his deathbed. Yongzheng was stern, hardworking, and extremely capable. He consolidated imperial power and made many reforms. Yongzheng began his reign by eliminating possible challengers. He removed princes from military commands and took personal control of all eight Manchu banner army units (whereas his father had only commanded three). He was indefatigable, personally reading and responding to reports and memorials sent by officials. Assisted by spies, he checked on the performance of officials, punishing those who were corrupt and derelict and rewarding upright ones. To ensure that officials were not tempted by graft, he granted them additional stipends to their salaries from an anticorruption fund.” He also rationalized and simplified the taxation system. In a humane move, he abolished hereditary servitude and the designation of persons of certain professions such as beggars as “mean people.” He promoted learning and supervised education by issuing textbooks that promoted orthodoxy and correct historical interpretations as he saw them. Despite Kangxi’s efforts, problems persisted with Russia because of an undefined border area that allowed the Olod Mongols to raid Chinese lands and then take refuge in Russia. Thus Yongzheng sent a diplomatic mission to St. Petersburg to seek Russian neutrality in his quest to deal with the Olod and to fix the Mongolian- Siberian border between the two empires. Extended negotiations between them produced the Treaty of Kaikhta in 1737. Besides delineating the border the treaty opened a new trading station at Kaikhta and defined the terms of trade, provided for the extradition of deserters and criminals, and allowed Russia to maintain an Orthodox church and religious mission in Beijing (Peking). The treaty with Russia allowed Yongzheng to continue prosecuting the war with the Olod, but they were not finally defeated until the reign of his son Qianlong (Ch’ien-lung). Yongzheng made two institutional changes in government. Because the Manchu rulers did not practice primogeniture in the selecting of a successor (as had the Ming), and rivalry between brothers could be destabiliz- 410 Yongzheng ing, he ordered that the name of the heir be deposited at several designated secure locations to be opened on the death of the reigning sovereign. He created the Grand Council of five or six top officials; some were always in attendance wherever the emperor was to help him make important policy decisions. Yongzheng was stern, efficient, and autocratic, but he was also conscientious and diligent. In a short reign, he was able to tame the ambitions of the Manchu imperial clan and nobility. He also strengthened the bureaucracy and molded it to work in the interest of the state. As a result, its members enjoyed high morale, were not troubled by factionalism, and served with efficiency and accountability so that imperial authority reached every corner of the empire. He consolidated Qing (Ch’ing) power and governed as an effective and paternalistic despot. See also Qing (Ch’ing) dynasty, rise and zenith; Ricci, Matteo. Further reading: Huang, Pei. Autocracy at Work, a Study of the Yung-cheng Period, 1723–1735. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1974; Peterson, Willard J., ed. The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 9, Part One: The Ch’ing Empire to 1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur Yucatán, conquest of the The Spanish invasion and subjugation of the Maya peoples of the Yucatán peninsula, the highlands of Chiapas, and the lowlands stretching into the Guatemalan Petén contrasted sharply with their swift defeat of the Aztec Empire in 1519–21. Lacking a centralized political structure, Maya polities and communities in these regions resisted Spanish incursions for decades, some for centuries. In the absence of gold, silver, or other riches, the region became a colonial backwater and was never fully conquered. The result was a far more ambiguous, incomplete, and partial conquest than in the Basin of Mexico, Peru, and even Central America. The first Spanish encounters with Yucatán’s Maya inhabitants came in 1502, when Christopher Columbus, on his fourth voyage, traded with coastal merchants. In the next decade, at least one shipwreck left several Spaniards stranded on Yucatán; at least two survived, one of whom, Jerónimo de Aguilar, became Hernán Cortés’s interpreter. Further contacts occurred in 1517–18 with the expeditions of Francisco Hernández de Córdoba and Juan de Grijalva, respectively, that culminated in the conquest of Mexico. As elsewhere, these initial encounters brought virulent European diseases to Yucatán and beyond, killing tens of thousands of natives years before military incursions began. Subjugation Efforts The first major effort to subjugate Yucatán’s inhabitants began in 1527 under Francisco de Montejo, chartered by the Crown to pacify the peninsula. After some initial failures, between 1529 and 1534, Montejo and his men had explored much of Yucatán’s north and center. What they found was very unlike what Cortés had found in Mexico—a diversity of ethnolinguistic groups spread out in towns and villages across a flat, riverless, and to Spanish eyes, featureless landscape, with no large city, no political center on which to focus their assault. The boundaries between towns and provinces appeared fuzzy and hard to discern, while the inhabitants’ receptions of the invaders often seemed fickle and capricious. Frustrated, Montejo and his crew abandoned Yucatán in 1534, reporting to the Crown that “no gold had been discovered, nor is there anything [else] from which advantage can be gained.” For the next five years, no Spaniard set foot on the peninsula. They returned in 1540, mainly to enslave the inhabitants, as native labor was considered the region’s most valuable marketable commodity. Founding the town of Mérida in 1542 atop the ruins of the Maya city of Tihó, after a prolonged conflict with thousands of local Maya, the Spanish soon founded a second, Valladolid. In response Maya communities adopted the hit-and-run tactics of guerrilla war, to which the Spanish responded with massacres and enslavement. By the mid-1540s, Spanish encomenderos, granted Indians in encomienda by the Crown, began settling in the two towns and their rural districts. During this same period, in 1544, the first group of eight veteran Franciscan missionaries arrived in Yucatán to direct the religious conversion of the natives. The Great Maya Revolt Two years later, on November 8, 1546, came what was later called the Great Maya Revolt, when natives of seven provinces launched a coordinated attack on Valladolid and its environs, populated by some 200 to 300 Spaniards. After slaughtering numerous Spaniards and their native allies and nearly sacking the town, the rebels retreated in the face of a withering counterattack, which by spring 1547 had effectively quelled the insurgency. An eyewitness account by Franciscan friar Lorenzo de Bienvenida details the murders, mutilations, and other Yucatán, conquest of the 411 atrocities inflicted by the Spanish in their suppression of the rebellion. At the time fewer than 1,500 Spaniards lived in the northwestern corner of the peninsula. In 1549, nine more friars, including one Diego de Landa, arrived. Courageous and indefatigable, the 37- year-old Landa set off into the interior to convert the natives. In the coming years, Landa would play a central role in the political and religious life of the peninsula, while centuries later his writings on all aspects of Maya culture would serve as an invaluable resource for Maya scholars. By this time, friction had developed between encomenderos, who insisted on exploiting Indian labor to the greatest extent, and friars, whose principal concern was the natives’ religious conversion and basic physical well-being. Similar tensions between religious orders and settlers erupted throughout the Spanish-conquered territories. The Franciscans proposed congregating (or “reducing”) scattered Indian hamlets into larger nucleated settlements, or reducciones, a proposal fiercely resisted by encomenderos but implemented in many areas. By 1557, the Franciscans established their first missions and schools. In 1561, the General Chapter of the Franciscans in Spain combined the missions of Guatemala and Yucatán into a single province. Soon after, the friars of the new jurisdiction elected Diego de Landa as their first provincial, or leader. By 1562, 12 monasteries had been founded, while some 200 churches and schools were scattered throughout the interior. Also in 1562, a chance encounter led to the discovery of ongoing idolatry among the friars’ native charges. The discovery prompted Provincial Landa to launch a major investigation. Arresting thousands of natives suspected of idolatry, Landa supervised the torture of more than 4,500 people over the course of three months; many were tortured to death. On July 12, 1562, at the Maní mission, Landa oversaw a huge auto-da-fé, a public spectacle meant to demonstrate the superior moral and political power of The temple of Kukulcán at Chichén Itzá, built by the Maya, is located in the northern center of the Yucatán peninsula. The conquest of Yucatán was never fully achieved, and as late as 1680 the Spanish occupied only the northwestern third of the peninsula. 412 Yucatán, conquest of the the Christian Church. Huge piles of idols were set to the torch and many convicted idolaters were put to the lash. Soon after, Landa uncovered evidence suggesting that the natives were still practicing ritual human sacrifice. The inquisitions and tortures continued, as did the destruction of idols. Many of the so-called idols were Maya sacred books. Only three survived the fires. Scholars consider the destruction of these sacred Maya texts among the most tragic losses of accumulated human knowledge in world history. The sacred writings continued in secret, as Maya priests and elders produced new books to preserve their collective knowledge. Over time, some 14 of these sacred books came into the possession of outsiders, and some of these into the hands of scholars. Collectively they are known as the books of Chilam Balam (books of the spokesmen of the jaguar lords). The best known is the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel. The conquest of Yucatán and adjacent highlands and lowlands was never fully achieved. As late as 1680, the Spanish occupied only the northwestern third of the peninsula, while numerous polities, most notably the Itzá kingdom, endured in the jungles of the Maya lowlands to the south. A major offensive into the southern lowlands in 1697 conquered the Itzá while failing to eliminate or reign in autonomous indigenous communities outside the orbit of Spanish control. In short, many parts of the Maya zone were never conquered. See also Aztecs (Mexica); Aztecs, human sacrifice and the; Central America, conquest of; Columbian exchange; epidemics in the Americas; Peru, conquest of. Further reading: Clendinnen, Inga. Ambivalent Conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1517–1570. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987; de Landa, Diego, Fray, and William Gates, ed and trans. Yucatán before and after the Conquest. Merida, Yucatan, Mexico: Ed. San Fernando, 1993; Restall, Matthew. The Maya World: Yucatec Culture and Society, 1550–1850. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997; Roy, Ralph L., ed. The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967. Michael J. Schroeder
Age of Revolution and Empire 1750 to 1900 Edit
Young Ottomans and constitutionalism The Young Ottomans, also known as the New Ottomans, were 19th-century reformers. The members, some of whom were in the royal family, sought to continue the Tanzimat reforms. They wanted to liberalize the Ottoman Empire in order to ensure its survival. They applied the concept of Osmanlilik, Ottoman nationality, to a sweeping program of constitutional change. Osmanlilik meant the attachment to freedom and fatherland with the equality of all citizens. The Young Ottomans supported civil secular rule with a separation of religious participation in government; they also stressed the importance of human rights for all the diverse religious and ethnic peoples of the empire. The Young Ottoman program was outlined in Mustafa Fazil Pasha’s letter to Sultan Abdul Aziz in which a statement of loyalty to the empire was coupled with demands for reforms. Other Young Ottomans included Ali Suavi, a teacher from a merchant family, who was in charge of the fi rst Young Ottoman publication, and Sadik Rifat Pasha, who urged reforms of the authoritarian Ottoman regime. Using journalism to disseminate Young Ottoman ideals, Sadik wrote on the need for constitutionalism and urged the Ottomans to work hard to regenerate their society. Sadik Rifat Pasha had been educated in the Palace School and worked in the Ottoman civil service. He traveled through much of Europe and while in Austria wrote public letters urging reforms. Another Young Ottoman, Ibrahim Sinasi, studied in France and was a friend of Samuel de Sacy, the son of the noted Orientalist Sylvestre de Sacy. He also knew the poet Alphonse de Lamartine. Sinasi served on the education committee in Istanbul and published poems, pamphlets, and journal articles. Ziya Pasha, an experienced administrator, focused on the necessity of bureaucratic reforms. Namik Kemal, whose father was the court astronomer, was the most famous Young Ottoman. Kemal’s poems, especially “On Liberty,” and other publications are still studied in present-day Turkey. The Young Ottomans were infl uenced by western European approaches to government and society. They attempted to use language acceptable to a Muslim society in order to fuse Muslim traditional government with essentially Western approaches to parliamentary systems. They translated European works into Ottoman Turkish; in intellectual salons in Istanbul and elsewhere, they engaged in lively debates about French philosophy and political theory. A leading Young Ottoman supporter, Midhat Pasha, framed a constitution whereby the sultan would become a constitutional monarch. This constitution awaited the signature of Abdul Hamid II when he became sultan in 1876. Although Abdul Hamid was not committed to parliamentary government he was forced to implement the constitution as a provision of becoming sultan. The constitution provided for a bicameral legislature, along the European model, with a statement regarding the rights of man. The fi rst Ottoman parliament opened in 1877; it consisted of 25 offi cially nominated senators and 120 deputies elected Y with offi cial pressure and general indifference among most of the population. The fi rst parliament was composed of a wide mixture of representatives. It met for two sessions over the course of fi ve months. Sultan Abdul Hamid II used the excuse of war with Russia to dissolve the parliament in 1878. The short-lived constitution remained suspended for the next 30 years. Abdul Hamid’s suspension of the constitution marked the end of the Young Ottomans. Future reformers were censored and repressed under Abdul Hamid’s rule. Further reading: Devereux, Robert. The First Ottoman Constitutional Period: A Study of the Midhat Constitution and Parliament. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1963; Findley, Carter Vaughn. Ottoman Civil Offi - cialdom: A Social History. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989; Mardin, Serif. The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1962. Janice J. Terry
Crisis and Achievement 1900 to 1950 Edit
Yalta Conference (1945) The Yalta Conference, also called the Crimea Conference or the Argonaut Conference, was a meeting of the leaders of the Grand Alliance in World War II. The meeting took place from February 4 until February 11, 1945, in Yalta in the Soviet Union. The Grand Alliance included the countries of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union. The delegations consisted of over 700 people in total and were headed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and the fi rst secretary of the Soviet Communist Party, Joseph Stalin. The Yalta Conference is considered to be one of the three most important wartime meetings of the Grand Alliance (the other two being the Teheran Conference, which took place from November 28 until December 1, 1943, and the Potsdam Conference, which took place from July 17 until August 2, 1945). The main purpose of the Yalta Conference was to discuss further strategies for military operations against the Axis powers, the establishment of occupation zones in defeated Germany and Austria, the postwar border settlement of Poland, the creation of the United Nations, and the Soviet Union’s military entry in the war in the Far East. The agreements reached at the conference were included in the Protocol of Proceedings of the Crimea Conference. A major goal of the U.S. delegation at the Yalta Conference was to ensure the Soviet Union’s participation in the establishment of the United Nations (UN). Stalin declared the Soviet commitment to take part in the founding conference of the UN in San Francisco in April 1945. He received guarantees that the Security Council of the UN would include fi ve permanent members equipped with veto powers. Also, he received guarantees that Ukraine and Belarus, which at that time were Soviet republics, would be included as separate members of the General Assembly, giving the Soviet Union three votes instead of one. Roosevelt proposed that the Protocol of Proceedings of the Yalta Conference should include the Declaration of Liberated Europe, which asserted the principles of democratic governance and self-determination of European nations freed from the Nazi occupation. In the declaration the participants obliged themselves to facilitate the postwar process of European liberation through supporting conditions of internal peace, providing relief measures, and assisting in the organization of free, democratic, and secret national elections. The participants at the Yalta Conference reconfi rmed their demands for the unconditional surrender of the Axis powers. They also agreed that subsequent to their surrender Germany and Austria would be subject to strict demilitarization and de-Nazifi cation policies. The issue of war criminals was to be subject to further inquiry by the foreign ministers of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union. The members of the Grand Alliance agreed also on the division of Germany. This meant that the German territory would be divided into four zones of military occupation controlled by the United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and France. The postwar Y occupation would be governed by the Allied Control Council, consisting of the three states of the Grand Alliance and France. Stalin was initially opposed to Churchill’s demands for the inclusion of France into the Allied Control Council and consented only under the condition that the French zone would not be carved out of the Soviet one. The Soviet Union also became entitled to half of all the postwar reparation payments, which were approximated at US $20 billion. In order to work out specifi c reparation policies, a commission was established in Moscow, which included representatives of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union. At the Yalta Conference it was also confi rmed that after the war all individuals accused of desertion or treason would be made to return to their countries of national origin. The issue of the Polish borders and the Polish government received a great deal of attention at the Yalta Conference. By then, the United States and the United Kingdom had offi cially recognized the Polish governmentin- exile, which had moved to London after the German invasion of Poland in 1939. The Soviet leaders recognized the provisional Polish government established by the Polish Committee of National Liberation, which was created in 428 Yalta Conference (1945) Winston Churchill (left), Franklin Roosevelt (center), and Joseph Stalin (right) at the Yalta Conference in 1945. The three powerful leaders discussed plans for the creation of new boundaries throughout Europe following the conclusion of World War II. 1944 in the city of Lublin in the territory controlled by the Soviet Army. The provisional Polish government mostly included members of the former Polish socialist political organizations. Another controversy during the Yalta Conference was the issue of the revision of the Polish borders. Stalin insisted that in this respect the Western allies should recognize the Soviet- German Boundary Treaty from 1939 (also known as the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact). The treaty had pushed the border approximately 200 kilometers to the west, thus giving the Soviet Union the western territories of Ukraine and Belarus. Roosevelt and Churchill agreed to recognize the legitimacy of the Polish Committee of National Liberation, even though they also insisted that after the war the Polish government should be reorganized on a more democratic basis. Stalin promised to facilitate democratic elections in Poland and to include in the government members of the London government-in-exile. Also, Roosevelt and Churchill consented to the proposed revision of the Polish eastern border. The participants of the Yalta Conference decided to compensate Poland’s territorial loss at the expense of Germany. Thus, the prewar Polish-German border was pushed west to lines formed by the Rivers Oder and Neisse. The result of the revisionist border policies was the creation of a much more ethnically and religiously homogenous Poland than before the war, as the areas inhabited by the Ukrainian or Belarusian Orthodox minorities were assigned to the Soviet Union and as over 7 million German residents were forcefully expelled westward. An important goal of the U.S. delegation was to obtain Soviet agreement to join the war with Japan in the Far East. Stalin made a commitment that the Soviet Union would enter the war two or three months after the German surrender had been obtained. In return for its involvement, the Soviet Union demanded (1) the recognition of the independence of the Mongolian’s Peoples Republic from China, while China would regain sovereignty over the territory of Manchuria; (2) the return to the Soviet Union of the territories of southern Sakhalin and the neighboring islands that Russia had lost to Japan in the 1904–05 war; and (3) the surrender of the Kurile Islands to the Soviet Union. In return, Stalin made a commitment to start negotiations with the National government of China of Chiang Kai-shek in order to facilitate the Chinese war of resistance against Japan. The Western allies expected Stalin to expedite the peace agreement between Chiang Kai-Shek and Mao Zedong. Controversially, all these agreements were kept secret from China. The importance of the Yalta Conference was that it sealed the future of postwar Europe as divided between two spheres of infl uence. Among the most controversial decisions made in Yalta was the acceptance by the United States and the United Kingdom of Soviet dominance over the countries of Eastern Europe, which legitimized the expansion of the Communist ideology. It paved the path for the establishment of Soviet-style authoritarian regimes in East Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria. It also meant that the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, which had lost their state sovereignty in 1940, became republics of the Soviet Union. Although the conference in Yalta was characterized by an atmosphere of agreement and cooperation among the three allies, it also marked the initial stages of the cold war. With the demise of the Axis powers, confl icts arose among the former allies due to their divergent political interests, irreconcilable ideological differences, and the escalating economic and military competition between the United States and the Soviet Union. Further reading: Buhite, Russell D. Decisions at Yalta: An Appraisal of Summit Diplomacy. Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1986; de Senarclens, Pierre. From Yalta to the Iron Curtain: The Great Powers and the Origins of the Cold War. Oxford: Berg, 1995; Gardner, Lloyd C. Spheres of Infl uence. The Great Powers Partition in Europe, From Munich to Yalta. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee Publisher, 1994; Roszkowski, Wojciech. The Shadow of Yalta: A Report. Warsaw: Warsaw Rising Museum, 2005; Szkopiak, Zygmund C. The Yalta Agreements: Documents Prior to, During and After the Crimea Conference 1945. London: Polish Government in Exile, 1986. Magdalena Zolkos Yamagata Aritomo (1838–1922) Japanese political leader Yamagata Aritomo was a Japanese politician who was prime minister on two occasions (1889–91 and 1898– 1900) and an elder statesman during the fi rst decades of the 20th century, when he played an important role as an adviser to other politicians. Born in Hagi in the town of Choshu, he was the son of a low-ranking samurai. He started working as an errand boy for the treasury and also for the police. As a youth he was infl uenced by the Sonno Joi movement, which operated under the slogans “Revere the Emperor” Yamagata Aritomo 429 and “Expel the Barbarians.” At the age of 30 he played a minor role in the Meiji Restoration. In 1869, Yamagata was sent to Europe to study the system of military training in the West. On his return in 1870, he was appointed the assistant vice minister of military affairs. Two years later the army ministry subsumed the ministry of military affairs, and in the following year Yamagata was put in charge of the new ministry. As a result, he was involved in the Conscription Ordinance of 1873 but did not take part in the decisions over whether Japan should send a punitive expedition to Taiwan, a province of China. In 1878, he reorganized the Japanese army along the model of the Prussian armed forces and led it in the defeat of the Satsuma Rebellion four years later. One of the important units that Yamagata established was the Goshimpei (“Imperial Force”), which later became the Konoe (“Imperial Guard”). In December 1878, Yamagata resigned as minister of the army and became the fi rst chief of the Japanese general staff. This was part of his move to separate the military from politics, which he confi rmed in 1882 in the Imperial Rescript to Soldiers and Sailors that urged soldiers to follow the orders of the emperor and not the politicians. However, it was not until 18 years later that Yamagata was able to get a law passed that allowed only active generals and admirals to serve as cabinet ministers of war and the navy. Although this was aimed at ensuring separation, it did not prevent the military governments of the 1930s and early 1940s, where rapid promotion ensured that newly created generals could become ministers. Made a count in 1884, Yamagata resigned as chief of the general staff later in the same year to become minister for home affairs, a post he held from 1883 until 1889. During this time he remodeled his department, changing the system of running the police force. He also ensured that the police came under the direct control of the minister. In 1888, Yamagata, still a minister, went to Europe and after a year there returned with new ideas. He became the fi rst prime minister of Japan on December 4, 1889, under a newly established Japanese diet. Political infi ghting led to Yamagata’s resignation on May 6, 1891. He became minister of justice from 1892 until 1893, and then president of the privy council for two more years. With the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1894, Yamagata returned to the army as commander of the First Army, which was deployed to Korea. On November 8, 1898, Yamagata became prime minister again. He had just been promoted to fi eld marshal and appointed many generals and admirals to the cabinet, emphasizing his view that Japan should take a far more aggressive foreign policy. He also issued a government regulation that only offi cers in active service could become the army or navy minister. This coincided with the outbreak of the Boxer Rebellion in China; Yamagata immediately sent over a large military force, which was to play a role in the allied attack on Beijing (Peking) and ensured Japan’s role in subsequent negotiations. However, Yamagata was worried about Russia’s territorial ambitions. As a result, he drew up a contingency plan in which Japan would be prepared to fi ght both Russia and the United States simultaneously. Part of the plan was implemented in World War II. By this time, Yamagata’s service was recognized, and he was raised to the dignity of a prince. When Ito Hirobumi was assassinated in 1909, Yamagata, as the “elder statesman,” became the most powerful politician of Japan, and cabinet ministers sought advice from him. During the Chinese Revolution of 1911, Yamagata was keen on preserving the Qing (Ch’ing) dynasty. Three years later he led Japan into World War I as an Allied power. Yamagata overplayed his infl uence in 1921 and was publicly censured for his criticism of the marriage of the crown prince (later Emperor Hirohito). He had wanted the prince to take a bride from the Satsuma family. He was still in disgrace when he died on February 1, 1922. Further reading: Hackett, Roger F. Yamagata Aritomo in the Rise of Modern Japan, 1838–1922. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971. Justin Corfi eld Yan’an (Yenan) period of the Chinese Communist Party Yan’an is a small town in northern Sha’anxi (Shensi) province that became the headquarters of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from 1936 after the Long March until 1949. The Yan’an period referred to the years between 1937 and 1945; it was crucial in preparing the CCP for power. Japan’s total war against China in July 1937 propelled the Nationalist, or Kuomintang (KMT), government to stop its campaign against the CCP. The two sides formed a second United Front on September 12, 1937. In a manifesto titled “Together We Confront the National Crisis,” the CCP agreed to obey 430 Yan’an (Yenan) period of the Chinese Communist Party Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s Three People’s Principles (the ideology of the KMT), cease all anti-KMT activities, abolish the Soviet-style government in areas it controlled, and reorganize the Red Army to integrate it into the National Army. In reality, the CCP retained control of areas where it was already established, only changing the name of its government, and also control of its military units, renaming the Red Army the Eighth Route Army in the northwest and the New Fourth Army in Jiangxi (Kiangsi). With the Nationalist government bearing the brunt of Japan’s assault, the CCP was freed from KMT attacks and used the unprecedented opportunity to grow. The CCP priority, as Communist leader Mao Zedong (Mao Tse-tung) ordered his cadres, was “70 percent expansion, 20 percent dealing with the Kuomintang, and 10 percent resisting Japan.” His goal was to expand the CCP forces from 30,000 men to 1 million by the end of the war. He also mapped out a three-step strategy: fi rst to manage the compromise with the KMT, next to attempt to achieve parity with it, and third to infi ltrate to new areas and establish new guerrilla bases. The United Front had broken down completely by 1941 with a major clash in the New Fourth Army incident. Negotiations during the remainder of the war never resolved the confl icting goals of the two sides. A war within the war enmeshed the two Chinese parties, with the CCP continuing to expand its bases and the KMT blockading the Yan’an area. The Yan’an period was also important for laying down the principles of Chinese communism. Mao spent much time thinking and writing, as did his second in command, Liu Shaoqi (Liu Shao-ch’i). Mao’s essays included “On the Protracted War,” “Problems of Strategy in Guerrilla War against Japan,” “On New Democracy,” and “On Liberalism.” Liu’s works included “How to be a Good Communist” and “On Inner-Party Struggle.” Mao’s works formed the basis of his later claim to be an original contributor in the development of Marxist-Leninist ideology. The Yan’an period was also marked by the training and education of workers and peasants to be active supporters of the CCP, moderate land reform policies, and improvements to the rural economy. As a result the few Westerners (mostly reporters and not trained specialists on China) who were able to avoid the KMT blockade or were permitted to make brief chaperoned visits reported glowingly of their Yan’an experience. From journalist Edgar Snow’s book Red Star Over China, the result of his visit in 1936 and his interviews with Mao and other leaders, and from the accounts of shorter visits by other journalists, Westerners learned that the CCP leaders were not like the Soviet Communists but were agrarian reformers. They compared Yan’an favorably with the Nationalist capital, Chongqing (Chungking), which they described as corrupt. Moscow also fostered this view when Joseph Stalin called the CCP “margarine” or “radish” Communists. See also Sino-Japanese War. Further reading: Barrett, David D. Dixie Mission: The United States Army Observer Group in Yenan, 1944. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970; Ch’en, Yung-fa. Making Revolution: The Communist Movement in Eastern and Central China, 1937–1945. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986; Kataoka, Tetsuya. Resistance and Revolution in China: The Communists and the Second United Front. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974; Selden, Mark. The Yenan Way in Revolutionary China. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971. Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur Young Turks Young Turks is the name given to Ottoman dissidents who from the end of the 19th century through World War I sought to reform the Ottoman Empire; the Young Turks were strongly infl uenced by the earlier Young Ottoman movement of the 1870s. Turkish exiles in Paris were fi rst known as Young Turks until various other dissident factions throughout the Ottoman Empire, Europe, and North Africa united under the banner of the Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti, or Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) in 1907. Although the groups were varied and widespread, they were all opposed to the autocratic rule of the sultan and sought to restore parliament and the constitution. Sultan Abdul Hamid II (1842–1918) originally introduced the constitution and parliament in 1876, among other reforms initiated by his predecessors during the Tanzimat period, but suspended them in 1878 and moved toward a severely autocratic and repressive regime. In 1908 CUP-led troops marched to the capital city, Istanbul, and demanded the restoration of parliament and the constitution. The sultan acquiesced, and elections were held for the fi rst time in 30 years. Exiled Young Turks, notably men from Salonica who primarily led the organization and formed the leadership base, returned as prominent members of the CUP. The CUP allowed Sultan Abdul Hamid to remain in Young Turks 431 control of politics while they acted as a watchdog over the government. This changed when a counterrevolution, staged by Islamists, conservatives, and those loyal to the sultan, occurred in 1909. The counterrevolutionaries drove the CUP out of Istanbul, but the CUP reorganized in Macedonia and recaptured Istanbul by force. After quelling the counterrevolution, the Young Turks deposed Sultan Abdul Hamid II and replaced him with his brother Murad V, offi cially changing the government to a constitutional and parliamentary regime. The Young Turks did not (nor did they wish to) abolish the sultanate but instead viewed their roles as guardians of the constitution and reformers of the empire and not as leaders of the country (until World War I). The sultan maintained his powers as caliph (leader of the Muslim world), along with the right to appoint a grand vizier and Sheik al-Islam. International events strongly affected the policies of the Young Turks and the CUP. The Balkan provinces of the Ottoman Empire and the Great Powers of Europe took advantage of the weakened state of the empire caused by the revolution and the counterrevolution. Austria-Hungary, Greece, and Italy made signifi cant claims on Ottoman territories, and the CUP-led government was unable to offer much resistance. Montenegro, Serbia, and Bulgaria declared war on the Ottoman Empire, resulting in the loss of most of the European provinces, notably the city of Edirne. The loss of Edirne stunned the Ottomans (it was the former capital) and inadvertently brought about a coup d’état from within the CUP inner circle (known as the Bab-I Ali coup) in 1913. The loss of Edirne exposed the weakness of the CUP, prompting the leading faction to take control of the party. Three fi gures emerged at the forefront, Enver Pasha, Talat Pasha, and Cemal Pasha. After Enver (who controlled the military) led the successful recapture of Edirne (and became a hero), he was promoted to the position of minister of war. Talat Pasha, a former postman, became minister of the interior, and Cemal Pasha became the military governor of Istanbul. They were informally known as the leading triumvirate. After the coup the CUP took on a more dominant role in domestic and international government policies. The start of World War I changed the role of the CUP. The Young Turks entered into an alliance with Germany and joined the confl ict in 1914. The Germans used the empire as a buffer against Russia, while the Ottomans needed German protection from Russian encroachment. The fear of Russian (and later Greek) advancement led to terrible atrocities committed against the Armenian and Christian communities of Anatolia, inspired by the CUP and still controversial to this day. The German alliance proved disastrous for the CUP, whose leaders were forced to fl ee after signing the armistice in 1918. Despite their failures, the Young Turks contributed signifi cantly to reforms within the Ottoman Empire that directly inspired the independence movement and the formation of modern Turkey. The CUP was able to consolidate power, free the economy from the control of minority groups, abolish the centuries-old system of capitulations, and set the stage for economic independence. They initiated basic rights for women, which were expanded and enhanced in the later Republic of Turkey. The Young Turks sought a synthesis of Western and Eastern ideals, fanned the fl ames of nationalism, and introduced the idea of pan-Turkism, later expanded upon by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (the founder of modern Turkey) and his supporters. The CUP laid the groundwork for a successful resistance movement. Due to this foresight the Turkish army and the Turkish people were able to fi ght off the occupying forces of the Great Powers and the Greeks, who after World War II attempted to annex the western coast of Turkey. They were soundly defeated in 1922. The presentday Republic of Turkey continued many of the reforms and the ideology propagated by the Young Turks and enhanced these ideals in the formation of a state with a democratic emphasis. Further reading: Ahmad, F. The Young Turks: The Committee of Union and Progress: Turkish Politics 1908–1914. London: Oxford University Press, 1969; Lewis, Bernard. The Emergence of Modern Turkey. London: Oxford University Press, 1961; Zürcher, Erik J. Turkey: A Modern History. London: I.B. Tauris, 1993. Katie Belliel Yuan Shikai (Yuan Shih-k’ai) (1857–1916) Chinese general and politician Yuan Shikai was a skilled general and unprincipled politician who rose to be president of China but failed to become emperor. He is remembered among Chinese as the triple traitor for his treachery toward the reforming emperor in 1898 and for betraying the Qing (Ch’ing) dynasty in the revolution of 1911 and the republic after he became president. Yuan fi rst gained recognition as China’s representative to Korea in 1882. He remained in Korea until 432 Yuan Shikai (Yuan Shih-k’ai) 1894, where he trained the Korean army and upheld China’s suzerainty against Japanese aggression. When war over Korea with Japan became inevitable and realizing Japan’s military strength, Yuan resigned from his post and fl ed home. China’s catastrophic defeat in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–95 led the Qing court to establish a modern army (called the New Army) under Yuan. It also led the young emperor Guangxu (Kuanghsu) to embark on fundamental reforms in 1898. The emperor’s policies went against the reactionary faction at court headed by his aunt the dowager empress Cixi (Tz’u-hsi), who had ostensibly retired but continued to dominate the government. The showdown focused on Yuan, who controlled the troops in the capital, Beijing (Peking), and he betrayed the emperor to Cixi who imprisoned the emperor and rescinded all reforms. The reformers were either captured and executed or fl ed abroad. Yuan’s reward was appointment as acting governor of Shandong (Shantung) province, where in 1899 ignorant and xenophobic people popularly known as the Boxers began to harass foreigners. Yuan realized the folly of the Boxer movement and suppressed them in Shandong in defi ance of Cixi’s orders. Both Guangxu and Cixi died in 1908, and the childless Guangxu was succeeded by his brother’s three-year-old son, Pu-i (P’u-yi), as Emperor Xuantong (Hsuan-tung). Yuan was forced to retire but kept in touch with the New Army that he had helped to organize and train. On October 10, 1911, on his 11th attempt, Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s followers instigated a revolution in Wuhan that spread rapidly in southern China. Since Yuan held the loyalty of the New Army, the panicked Qing court begged him to lead it against the rebels, acceding to his demands for money and total control. Yuan defeated the revolutionaries but did not destroy them, proceeding to bargain with both sides to ensure the abdication of the Qing emperor and agreement by Sun Yat-sen to step down as provisional president of the Chinese Republic in his favor. Once president, his next goals were to wield absolute power, then to become emperor. When parliamentary elections in 1912 resulted in Dr. Sun’s Nationalist party winning a majority in both houses, Yuan had the incoming Nationalist party’s designated premier assassinated. When anti-Yuan governors in southern provinces revolted to protect the constitution in 1913, his superior forces defeated them. He then ruled as a ruthless dictator, dismissing all elected local assemblies and using censorship and the army to enforce obedience. Yuan’s ultimate goal was to become emperor. With the European powers engaged in World War I, he only needed to secure Japan’s support, which he hoped to do by agreeing to its infamous Twentyone Demands in 1915. However, his proclamation to become emperor on January 1, 1916, met with widespread opposition. The governors of southern provinces not under his direct control rose in revolt, and his own lieutenants refused to come to his aid, perhaps because they feared that the realization of his ambitions was detrimental to their own. On March 22, 1916, he canceled his imperial plans and announced that he would resume his presidency, which was widely resisted. The issue was solved when he died suddenly in May. Yuan’s dictatorial rule destroyed China’s chance of establishing a constitutional republic after 1912. His death left a legacy of political fragmentation that led to a decade of civil wars and warlordism. Further reading: Ch’en, Jerome. Yuan Shih-k’ai. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1972; Young, Ernest P. The Presidency of Yuan Shih-k’ai: Liberalism and Dictatorship in Early Republican China. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1977. Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur
The Contemporary World 1950 to the Present Edit
Yahya Khan (1917–1980) Pakistani president Yahya Khan was the president of Pakistan and chief of army staff from 1969 to 1971, following the resignation of Mohammad Ayub Khan. As soon as he rose to power, Yahya Khan declared martial law to quell the widespread riots caused by discontent in the aftermath of the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. Yahya Khan also dissolved the National Assembly and terminated the constitution. His two years as president were marked by strong tensions in East Pakistan, leading to the Bangladesh Liberation War and the eventual secession of Bangladesh in 1971. Yahya was born in Chakwal on February 4, 1917, into a family of Persian origins, descended from the military elite. He attended Punjab University and graduated first in his class from the Indian Military Academy. Yahya joined the British army, and during World War II he served in Iraq, Italy, and North Africa. After the partition of India, he became the youngest brigadier general in the Pakistani army, commander in chief of the army in 1966, and when President Ayub Khan resigned, he turned to his faithful aide Yahya Khan to maintain order in the country. Yahya was resolute in his restoration of order in the country. To make this suspension of political and civil liberties more palatable, he also started a large-scale renovation of the country’s civil service personnel. He also announced restrictions on economic monopolies and a more equal distribution of wealth. Yet Yahya’s reforms and his government were swept away by the conflict that erupted in 1971 between East and West Pakistan. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, leader of the Awami League, launched a campaign for the creation of a federation in which East Pakistan would enjoy great autonomy. The League performed extremely well in the 1970 election, winning 160 out of 162 seats in East Pakistan. However the party did not get a single seat in western constituencies, which overwhelmingly went to Zulfikar Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party. Since neither Bhutto nor Mujibur would support the other as prime minister, Yahya decided to solve the political impasse by sending the army to East Pakistan to crush the Awami League. The acts of brutality committed by the army caused millions to flee to India for Indian intervention, forcing the West Pakistani army to surrender. East Pakistan declared its independence, establishing the state of Bangladesh in 1972. Yahya Khan’s only option was to hand power to Zulfikar Bhutto, who put him under arrest. He spent his later years far from the political scene. Further reading: Jaffrelot, Christopher. A History of Pakistan and Its Origins. London: Anthem Press, 2002; Sisson, Richard, and Leo E. Rose. War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991; Talbot, Ian. Pakistan: A Modern History. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999. Luca Prono Y Yeltsin, Boris (1931–2007) Russian president Boris Yeltsin was the first president of Russia following the collapse of the communist Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Yeltsin struggled against the vestiges of the former regime and the chaos following its collapse to introduce a stable, democratic system. Yeltsin was born in the region of Sverdlovsk in 1931. He studied construction at the Ural Polytechnic Institute, graduating in 1955. Yeltsin served in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) from 1961 to 1990. He first became a party administrator in 1969 and continued to develop contacts within the Soviet system. Yeltsin rose to the top of the CPSU during the 1980s through connections with General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev, the de facto leader of the country, and other reformers. Gorbachev appointed Yeltsin to the Politburo. Yeltsin portrayed himself as a reformer and people’s champion despite his lavish lifestyle. His initiatives became popular. However, Yeltsin repeatedly shuffled and fired staff members and underwent criticism by hard-line Communists. Soon Gorbachev also began to criticize Yeltsin. In 1987 Gorbachev removed Yeltsin from his highranking party positions. Yeltsin became a harsh critic of Gorbachev and advocated a slow pace of reform, which became a hallmark of his later policies. This was an effort to counter Gorbachev’s favoring of a decentralization of power to create hurried reform. In response, Yeltsin was demoted. He vented in the Congress of People’s Deputies, a parliamentary body established by Gorbachev. Yeltsin’s detractors attempted to undermine his integrity, accusing him of being heavily intoxicated in public. Growing dissatisfaction with the Soviet system made men who opposed it, such as Yeltsin, popular. In 1989 Yeltsin ascended to the Congress of People’s Deputies as delegate from the Moscow district and gained a seat on the Supreme Soviet. In 1990 Yeltsin became chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic (RSFSR). In June 1990 the Congress of People’s Deputies of the RSFSR adopted a declaration of sovereignty. Soon after, Yeltsin resigned from the CPSU. During the 1991 democratic presidential elections, Yeltsin won 57 percent of the vote. In August 1991 hard-line Communists launched a coup against Gorbachev, who was held in the Crimea. Yeltsin returned to his presidential office in Moscow, which was surrounded by troops, to deal with the coup. From a tank turret, Yeltsin made a rousing speech that rallied the troops to defect in the face of mass popular demonstrations. The leaders of the coup were dispersed; Yeltsin emerged a national hero. Gorbachev returned to power with diminished authority. Throughout 1991 the Russian government continued to take over the Soviet Union government. In November, Yeltsin banned the CPSU in the RSFSR. In December, Yeltsin met with the presidents of Ukraine and Belarus to discuss the Soviet Union’s dissolution and its replacement with a voluntary Commonwealth of Independent States. On December 24 the Russian federation took the Soviet Union’s place in the United Nations. The next day, Gorbachev declared that the Soviet Union would cease to exist. Despite the Soviet system’s collapse, its vestiges remained. The Supreme Soviet contained many opposed to Yeltsin’s policies, and local elites collaborated with criminal organizations. Yeltsin bypassed the Supreme Soviet and deliberated policy with his own inner circle. Throughout 1992 Yeltsin attempted to implement economic reforms by decree and declined to hold new elections. In January, Yeltsin removed state control over the prices of most goods, thereby reintroducing a capitalist system and stabilizing currency. The administrative elite of the Soviet era retained control of factories, shops, offices, and farms. Consequently they retarded implementation of Yeltsin’s reforms. Lobbyist groups pressured Yeltsin, who granted a concession continuing governmental subsidies and guarantees that the denationalization of companies would not hinder directors’ and workers’ immediate interests. To appease his detractors, Yeltsin appointed their candidates to some key positions. In the face of skyrocketing inflation Yeltsin fired his premier and replaced him with Viktor Chernomyrdin, who introduced limits on profit rates for several goods. Popular disenchantment with Yeltsin increased, and the country descended into crisis. Many farmers went unpaid for deliveries to state purchasing agents, and industrial production declined. Crime continued to grow. Several Russian republics rebelled. Yeltsin reasserted central authority, enacting a no-tolerance policy toward separatist movements to maintain the Russian state’s integrity during the implementation of reforms. Yeltsin maneuvered around cabinet members appointed to appease the opposition. He had inherited a constitution enabling the Congress of People’s Deputies to intervene in any organ’s jurisdiction. Former Communist elites in positions of power were concerned with securing their dominance and engaged in a power struggle with Yeltsin. In April 1993 Congress unsuccessfully attempted Yeltsin’s impeachment. In response, Yeltsin held a national referendum concerning popular trust in his socioeconomic policies. The results encouraged Yeltsin, who dissolved the Russian parliament in September. Some of Yeltsin’s detractors barricaded 466 Yeltsin, Boris themselves in the parliament building; Yeltsin ordered the seizure of the building and their forced removal and arrest. Yeltsin briefly declared a state of emergency. In December new elections were held under limited censorship, and Yeltsin initiated a new constitution increasing presidential authority. Yeltsin reappointed his favored cabinet and quickly implemented reforms. He continued to position his supporters as provincial governors. Russia’s inability to establish a stable multiparty system gave Yeltsin freedom to maneuver. In late 1993 remaining price controls were lifted, and privatization continued. By 1994, however, Yeltsin realized that economic reform was happening too fast, and conditions were improving unevenly throughout the country. Yeltsin’s politics verged on opportunism. Following the nationalists’ success in the 1993 elections, Yeltsin pursued nationalist policies. Following the Communists’ success in 1995, Yeltsin adopted Communist policies. In December 1994 Yeltsin ordered Russian troops into the breakaway republic of Ichkeria. His military campaigns were unsuccessful and unpopular, damaging his political reputation and his image as protector of Russia’s integrity. In 1995 Yeltsin suffered a heart attack. In 1996 he narrowly won the presidency in the face of a Communist resurgence resulting from disillusionment with democracy. Yeltsin became increasingly unstable, and his alcohol consumption mounted. He resumed his economic reforms and reduced the budget deficit. However, Yeltsin did little to curb the corrupt practices carried out by his administration. That same year Yeltsin announced Russia’s default on its debts; financial markets panicked; and Russia’s currency collapsed. In 1999 Yeltsin again fired his entire cabinet. His approval rating plummeting, Yeltsin resigned as president in favor of Prime Minister Vladimir Putin. See also Soviet Union, dissolution of the. Further reading: Aron, Leon. Yeltsin: A Revolutionary Life. New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2000; Huskey, Eugene. Presidential Power in Russia. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1999; Yeltsin, Boris. Midnight Diaries. Translated by Catherine Fitzpatrick. New York: PublicAffairs, 2000. Eric Martone Yemen The Arab Republic of Yemen is located on the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula, sharing borders with Saudi Arabia and Oman. Three-quarters of its population in 2004 lived in rural areas, and its topography ranges from coastal plains to highlands to desert. The British occupation and colonization of southern Yemen (Aden) continued until the late 1950s, when the United Kingdom promised to grant independence to the six states under its control in the south. Two southern Yemeni groups, the Front for the Liberation of Occupied South Yemen (FLOSY) and the National Liberation Front (NLF), fought the plans as well as each other, forcing the British to declare in 1967 that they would hand over power to any group that could set up a government. In November 1967 the last British troops were withdrawn, and the NLF formed a government with Aden as its capital. The federation was officially called the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY). The name reflected the Marxist leanings of the government. Other communist countries, including the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba, provided the impoverished nation with economic aid and assistance. In 1962 the ruling religious leader (imam) in northern Yemen, Imam Ahmad, was overthrown by military officers with the support of Egypt. Fighting ensued between the royalists, supported by Saudi Arabia, and the republicans, supported by Egypt. Following their defeat in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, the Egyptians were forced to withdraw their troops. The republicans forged a peace with the remaining royalist tribes and obtained backing from the Saudis. The fighting ended in 1970, and a government was formed of both royalists and republicans as the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR), known as North Yemen or Yemen, with Sanaa as the capital. The republicans eventually took over the reins of government, exiling the imam’s son to Britain. In 1972 the two Yemeni governments fought over their common border. The dispute was mediated by the Arab League and resulted in the surprising Cairo Treaty, which anticipated the unification of the two sides within 12 months. The merger was delayed, and the two sides moved further right and left. The late 1970s was a period of assassination of leaders, upheaval, and armed clashes between the two sides. During the 1980s a trend emerged: The two Yemens would fight, they would sign an agreement to unify the country, and the proposed merger would fail. In addition, in the mid-1980s oil was discovered in the Rub Al-Khali, the desert that straddled the two Yemens. In May 1988 the two Yemens agreed on a neutral zone so that each could use the oil in cooperation with the other. The resolution of this issue and the boost to their economies helped to pave the way for a concrete 14- month plan for unification. Declining assistance from Yemen 467 the crumbling Soviet bloc also encouraged the south to take reunification plans more seriously. In 1990 the border was demilitarized, and currencies were made valid in both Yemens. On May 22, 1990, the two Yemens were united as the Republic of Yemen, with the political capital in Sanaa and the economic capital in Aden. A referendum ratified the unification, and generally fair and open elections were held in April 1993. Despite these political developments, the unification was seen by some Yemenis as too favorable to the north. During the 1990–91 Gulf crisis, Yemen declared its support for an Arab solution to the invasion of Kuwait, demanding the Iraqis leave Kuwait and the U.S. troops withdraw from the region. In retaliation, Saudi Arabia expelled tens of thousands of Yemeni workers. Income plummeted as unemployment rose. In early 1994 violence spread and a new civil war broke out. With no outside support, the south was soon overrun. After the 1994 war, Yemeni unity was reinforced, and all national parties now support national unity. In 1997 a second fair and calm parliamentary election was held, and President Ali Abdullah Saleh was elected to a seven-year term. With wide executive powers he appointed a vice president, cabinet members, a prime minister, and the 111 members of the Shura Council. However, the regime is threatened by mounting pressure from Islamist groups and local leaders. See also Gulf War, First (1991). Further reading: Bidwell, Robin. The Two Yemens. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983; Dresch, Paul. A History of Modern Yemen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Randa Kayyali Yoshida Shigeru (1878–1967) Japanese diplomat and politician Yoshida Shigeru was both a diplomat and a politician; he served as prime minister of Japan from 1946 to 1947 and from 1948 to 1954. Yoshida led Japan through much of the u.s. occupation of Japan. His leadership ultimately allowed Japan to emerge from the economic, psychological, and physical damage of World War II. His policies led Japan to rapid economic recovery, and he was willing to give up independence in foreign affairs in exchange for military protection from the United States. As a result, Yoshida outlined much of the policy for Japan during the cold war era. His belief that the United States would provide the necessary security appealed to the United States as well as many of Japan’s conservatives. Yoshida was born in Tokyo on September 22, 1878, and educated at the Tokyo Imperial University. Like many of the Japanese military and diplomatic leaders of the early 20th century, he joined the Japanese diplomatic corps. In 1938 Yoshida retired while posted in London. He spent a brief time in prison after World War II for his participation in the Japanese government. He emerged as a key postwar leader. On May 22, 1946, Yoshida became the prime minister of Japan. Allied occupation forces held him in high regard for his pro-United States and pro-British stances as well as his familiarity with Western cultures. On May 24, 1947, Tetsu Katayama replaced Yoshida as prime minister, but he regained the position on October 15, 1948, and would continue to serve in the position until 1954. Yoshida’s policies for Japan concentrated on the economic growth required to rebuild the war-torn infrastructure. His policies were quite popular, and he was reelected for three consecutive terms—1949, 1952, and 1953. Yoshida’s most complicated role was bridging the gap from World War II Japan to Japan under occupation to the modern and contemporary economic power. Yoshida brought stability to Japan but also, in the direction he planned for Japan, offered an opportunity for regional peace and economic prosperity. Yoshida died on October 20, 1967. The decade during which he led Japan is called the Yoshida Years. Further reading: Dower, J. W. Empire and Aftermath: Yoshida Shigeru and the Japanese Experience, 1878–1954. Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1988; Yoshida Shigeru. Yoshida Shigeru: Last Meigi Man. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2007. Matthew H. Wahlert Yugoslavia, breakup and war in The wars that attended the breakup of Yugoslavia during the 1990s tend to be explained by indicating some historical predisposition of Balkan nationalities toward violence against one another. Although the legacy of the past did play a role in the conflict, it did not determine the bloodshed. In this respect there is no single reason for the dissolution of the Socialist Federated Republic 468 Yoshida Shigeru of Yugoslavia. Instead, there is a complex array of economic, cultural, and systemic factors. Many of these factors can be traced to the federal design imposed on the state by Marshal Tito (Josip Broz), which began to unravel soon after his death. The April 1981 Albanian riots in Kosovo marked a turning point in the history of the Yugoslav state, which saw an escalation in interethnic tensions during the 1980s. These were underpinned by regional economic disparities. Gradually, economic nationalism impacted political developments. The ethnically based structure of the federation ensured that the political elites of individual republics relied on the support of their respective republics. Political programs, therefore, were increasingly influenced by nationalist agendas. Slobodan MiloŠeviC ´ These developments would not have sufficed to take Yugoslavia down the path of intercommunal violence had it not been for the agency of individual republican leaders. Most commentators agree that it was the rise to power in Serbia of Slobodan Miloševic´ that led to war. His manipulation of Serb nationalist sentiments allowed him to become president of Serbia in 1989. Under Miloševic´’s leadership the Serbian parliament amended the constitution of the republic in March 1989. The provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina lost their autonomy. In December 1990 Miloševic´ ordered the National Bank of Yugoslavia to allocate unauthorized credits to Serbian-owned enterprises, which both triggered hyperinflation and stiffened the resolve of other republics to secede from Yugoslavia. Miloševic´’s chauvinistic rhetoric and policies pushed the country into war. From April to December 1990 all republics held multiparty elections. The overall success of nationalist formations at the ballot box precipitated the impasse that Yugoslavia reached in 1991. In October 1990 Slovenia and Croatia tabled a formal proposal for the Yugoslavia, breakup and war in 46 9 U.S. Marines set up a roadblock to check for weapons near the village of Koretin, Kosovo. Units were deployed as an enabling force for KFOR, the NATO-led peacekeeping mission in the Balkan region. transformation of Yugoslavia into a loose confederation. Miloševic´ rejected it. The crisis came in spring 1991 when Serbia announced that it was going to block the rotation of the federal presidency. In May 1991 the Serb representative refused to step down, which forced Slovenia and Croatia to declare independence on June 25, 1991, starting a series of wars. The shortest of those conflicts was the so-called 10- day war in Slovenia. It started on June 27, 1991, when units of the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) crossed into Slovenia from Croatia, and JNA units around Ljubljana moved in to occupy the airport. Yet what the authorities in Belgrade did not anticipate was the resolve of the fledgling Slovenian army and Slovenian citizens. By deploying effectively, Slovenian detachments engaged in attacks and ambushes of JNA convoys, besieged JNA barracks, and blocked roads. On July 5 the two sides agreed to a cease-fire, and on July 7, 1991, under the auspices of the European Community, the heads of Yugoslavia’s republics signed the Brioni Agreement, which allowed for Slovenia’s independence. The Brioni Agreement, however, did not address the situation in Croatia. In February 1991 there were skirmishes between Croatian police and Serb militias. In April 1991 the self-proclaimed Serbian Autonomous Region of Krajina declared its secession from Croatia. By June, fighting in this area had already begun. JNA forces retreating from Slovenia lent their support to Serb militias, and in July 1991 a full-fledged war began in Croatia. The JNA attack targeted towns across Croatia. The city of Vukovar in particular became a symbol of the barbarity of the war. Completely surrounded by Serb forces in August, it was under siege for nearly 90 days, by the end of which the entire town was leveled. “ethnic cleansing” The war in Croatia witnessed the first instances of “ethnic cleansing”—a policy for “clearing” a particular territory of rival ethnic groups by either killing or expelling them. In October 1991, JNA forces began bombing the old city of Dubrovnik on the Dalmatian coast. This marked a turning point in the wars of Yugoslav dissolution as it urged international actors to get involved in stopping the violence. In late November all sides to the conflict agreed to a cease-fire, which was brokered by the United Nations (UN). The truce allowed for the establishment of a United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR). This ended the first phase of the war in Croatia. The cease-fire held from 1992 to 1994. In May 1995 the Croatian army took the offensive again, starting the second phase of the war, and retook most of the Serb-controlled areas in western Slavonia and in the region of Krajina. This triggered an exodus of almost all the Serbs who lived in the country. The war in Croatia ended in December 1995. In many respects the fighting in Croatia marked the next stage in the dissolution of Yugoslavia—the attempt to carve ethnically homogeneous states. On December 19, 1991, the Serbian-controlled western Slavonia and the region of Krajina declared themselves the Republic of Serbian Krajina, and on December 26, 1991, the government in Belgrade declared the establishment of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, consisting of Serbia, Montenegro, and Serbian Krajina. This formation attested to Miloševic´’s strategy of carving out a “Greater Serbia” under the guise of a smaller Yugoslavia. This approach was tragically confirmed during the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The republic was one of the most ethnically heterogeneous in former Yugoslavia. In 1990 the JNA had already begun transferring weapons to Serb militias in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In August 1991 Miloševic´ met with the Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadžic´ to discuss a strategy for annexing portions of the republic to Serbia. In September the JNA began establishing, securing, and arming Serbian areas in Bosnia- Herzegovina, which in January 1992 proclaimed themselves the Republika Srpska (Serbian Republic). At the same time, the Croatian president Franjo Tudjman was also plotting to annex the Croat-dominated areas of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Despite the ongoing fighting between Serbia and Croatia, Miloševic´ and Tudjman met secretly in September 1991 to discuss the division of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The war in Bosnia-Herzegovina began in April 1992. The initial stages saw Serbian forces confronting Bosniaks and Herzegovinian Croats. The Serb forces unleashed a campaign of ethnic cleansing. In response to the violence, the United Nations designated as “safe areas” the cities of Sarajevo, Bihac´, Gorazde, Srebrenica, Tuzla, and Zepa; dispatched UNPROFOR troops; and declared Bosnia-Herzegovina a no-fly zone. The international community presented a peace plan in January 1993 that proposed the division of the country between the Serbs, the Croats, and the Bosniaks. This proposal was rejected. Fighting continued until March 1994, when the Bosniaks and Croats formed a Bosniak- Croat Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Another front line was opened between the Bosniak forces themselves. The confrontation started in 1993 and went on until 1995. The intensity of the fighting in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and in particular the massacre of 7,000 Bosniak men and boys as a result of 47 0 Yugoslavia, breakup and war in the capture of the “safe area” of Srebrenica by Bosnian Serb forces, urged the international community to act. During November 1995 all sides met in Dayton and negotiated a peace agreement, which ended the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In his first act as president of Serbia in 1989, Miloševic´ had revoked the autonomy of Kosovo. This exacerbated the tensions between the Kosovo Albanians (Kosovars) and the Serbs in the province. Although the Kosovars organized a peaceful resistance, some of them formed the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in 1996. The KLA began to carry out sporadic attacks on Serbian police in the province. In 1998 the tensions started to escalate, and both the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) tried to mediate in the conflict. It was the January 1999 massacre of Albanians in the village of Racak by Serb forces that urged the international community to put more pressure on the two sides. During February and March 1999 the international community organized a conference at Rambouillet (in France). Its failure and the continued violence in Kosovo forced NATO to initiate a bombing campaign of Yugoslavia on March 24, 1999. NATO’s campaign, which lasted for 78 days, was its first-ever peace-enforcing mission without a UN mandate. After the war in Kosovo, the only republics to remain in Yugoslavia were Serbia and Montenegro. The latter became increasingly vocal about its desire for independence, and in February 2003 the European Union brokered an agreement for the creation of a Union of Serbia and Montenegro. In June 2006 both Montenegro and Serbia declared their independence as two separate nations. This act formally ended the existence of Yugoslavia. See also Balkans (1991–present); Warsaw Pact. Further reading: Ramet, Sabrina. Thinking About Yugoslavia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005; Rogel, Carole. The Breakup of Yugoslavia. London: Greenwood Press, 2004; Sell, Louis. Slobodan Miloševi ´ c and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002. Emilian Kavalski